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discovery by the expofure of her infant, afterwards married. Xuthus, fon of Eolus 3, an Achæan; who, having affifted the Athenians, engaged in a war with the inhabitants of Euboean Chalcis 54, bordering on Athens ", and having defeated the enemy in concert with them 56 was honoured with the daughter of Erechtheus, as a reward for his dif tinguished services". This was a very extraordinary compliment; for the Athenians, proud of their own ancestry, were extremely attached to their native blood, and jealous to the last degree of the leaft connexion of intermarriage with foreigners. Our poet therefore, in the mouth of Ion, demands of Creufa,

How weds a ftranger an Athenian born?

(Potter, V. 285.)

Her reply states, that he was confidered as the dowry of war, and the meed of the fpear 58. Thus the poet difarms the objection, which would arife from the law 59 of Athens, where, if a foreigner married with a citizen, he was liable to be accufed before the Thefmothetæ, or Judges, and the offender, if convicted, was to be fold, and the third part of his fubftance was given to the accufer: and by the

53 V. 63 & 292. Paufanias calls this Xuthus the fon of Hellen, (1. VIL c. 1.); fo that Archbishop Potter is miftaken, when he cites him as calling Xuthus the fon of Deucalion. (Archæol. b. I. c. I.)

54 V. 60.

55 V. 294.

56 V. 296.

57 There was a fettival, called Boedromia, inftituted at Athens to commemorate the day of this affiftance of Xuthus, according to Suidas, and the author of the Etymologicon; but Ariftides refers it to the affistance of Ion when he came to Athens. (Meurf. De Reg. Athen. I. II. c. 10.)

58 V. 298.

59 This is mentioned by Demofthenes (contra Neæram, ed. Taylor, vol. II. p. 568.) and it may alfo be feen in Petit Leges Attica. (L. VI. Tit. I.)

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law of Solon 6° revived by Pericles, and again by Antiphon, free citizens were only thofe begot in lawful marriage between two parents, who were both free. We find therefore Ion, when imagining himself to be the son of Xuthus, complaining of his misfortune of having a father, who was not a native of Athens ; and he wishes that his un known mother may be discovered an Athenian citizen, that he might enjoy, by virtue of this privilege, nappia, or the παρρησία, freedom of fpeech 62:

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For he, whofe fortune leads him
To a free ftate, proud of their unmix'd race,
Tho' call'd a citizen, must close his lips
With fervile awe, for freedom is not his.

(POTTER, V. 711.)

Though thefe particular laws might not exist in that early period, which correfponds with the era of the drama, yet Euripides flatters the vanity of his countrymen, whom hif tory had conftantly reprefented as uncommonly bigotted to their own foil and cuftoms. When Xuthus and Creufa had been married for a confiderable time 3, they had the misfortune of having no children 4. As the royal ftem of the adored Erechtheus was thus in danger of being extinguifheds,

60 Potter Archæol.

61 V.

592.

(B. I. c. 9. & B. IV. c. 11.)

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62 V. 672 & 675. When Diogenes was afked what is the most excellent thing among men, he replied, wapinoia, freedom of fpeech. (Diog. Laert. 1. VI. p. 154. ed. 1664.)

64 V. 65 & 304.

63 V. 64. 65 This circumstance of the male iffue of Erechtheus being fuppofed to be extinct, which is conftantly implied in this play of the Ion, and expressly afferted in another of our author's dramas, entitled, Erechtheus, (as appears from fome lines ftill preferved in the fragments, V. $5. ed. Barnes, p. 468.),

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this was a circumftance of the most alarming pature: the King and Queen therefore refolve to confult the oracles of the Gods on this important event; and, that the responses of different oracles might be compared together Xuthus proceeded to the cave of Trophonius, before he vifits Delphi, the celebrated fane of Apollo: while Creufa immedi ately travels to the latter place, and confequently arrives before her husband. This poetical ftratagem furnishes a plaufible pretence for an interefting converfation between. Ion and Creufa, in the opening of the play, which the prefence of Xuthus muft otherwife have prevented. But this cuftom of confulting feveral oracles, in order to discover truth from their correfpondence or diverfity, is alfo founded on the fanction of history. Thus, according to Herodotus 7, Crœfus fent to all the oracles in Græce and Africa to try if they agreed; and with a view, if they did, to inquire of them, whether he fhould undertake his expedition against the Perfians. And for the fame cause of the aτenvía 68, or the want

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is a fiction of the poet to enhance the dignity of his fubject; for, according to hiftorical teftimony, Cecrops the fecond, fucceffor of Erechtheus, in the kingdom of Attica, was his fon. Paufanias afferts, that, on the death of Erechtheus, Xuthus was chofen arbiter by his fons contending for the government; and because he decreed, that the eldest Cecrops fhould be King, the other fons drove him from the country, (L. VII. c. i. p. 521). In another place, fpeaking of the two Kings of Athens of the name of Cecrops, he fays, that the fecond, fon of Erechtheus, led a colony into Euboea, (L. I. c. v. p. 13.) Thus Apollodorus exprefsly mentions Cecrops, who reigned as the eldest fon, upon the death of Erechtheus, L. III. p. 134. ed, 1555.). He alfo mentions four fons and three daughters of this Erechtheus, (L. III. p. 132. Id.) And Ovid affigns to him four children of each sex, (Met. 1. VI. v. 679.) Euftathius also reckons Cecrops as one of his four fons, (on Iliad II.) The learned Meurfius has fully difcuffed this fubject, where he makes five fons and eight daughters of this Erechtheus (De Reg. Athen. 1. II. c. 13. P. 144.).

66 V. 302.

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61 L. I. c. 46.

$8 V. 620.

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of children, that Xuthus and Creufa here confult the oracle of Delphi, fo did Ægeus ", the father of Thefeus, as Plutarch in the life of the latter informs us. As the temple of Delphi is the scene of the drama, which is embellished with a variety of allufions to it, it now demands our particular attention, as far as is neceffary to illuftrate them. I fhall arrange my remarks under the refpective heads of ift, Scite. 2d, Ornaments. 3d, Votaries. 4th, Priesttess. 5th, Subordinate Prophets. 6th, Oracular Refponfes. The temple of Delphi was fituated in that part of antient Græce called Phocis, and according to the limited knowledge of the extent of the globe in those days it was confidered as the central fpot of the earth. Hence the favourite expreffion of the Greek tragedians of peoóμpaños yas, which the Romans ventured to tranflate literally into their umbilicum 70 terræ, or the navel of the earth. This fabulous error is faid to have been built on an experiment" almost too ridiculous

69 This reafon Euripides in his Medea puts into the mouth of Egeus. MEDEA.

What led thee to the prophets' central shrine?

ÆGEUS.

To ask the God how offspring may be rais'd. (Potter, v. 728.) " (Livy, 1. XXXVII. c. 48. 1. XLI. c. 28.) And thus Milton has borrowed the phrafe from the Greeks and Romans,

70 V. 2231.

Within the navel of this hideous wood. (Mafk. 520.)

7 The Scholiafts often mention it as on the Oreftes of our author (v, 331.) And on the fourth Pythick ode of Pindar (v. 5.) where it appears from the original, that there were golden eagles kept at Delphi, in commemoration of this itory. See alfo Strabo Geographia (1. IX. p. 643.), and my notes on v. 224 & 226, of the play. The fubitance of the story is contained in the following lines of Claudian :

Jupiter, ut perhibent, fpatium cum difcere vellet

Naturæ, regni confcius ipfe fui,

Armigeros utrinque duos æqualibus alis

Milit ab Eois Occiduifque plagis;

Par

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culous to be mentioned, and which fuperftition alone could rivet on the mind. But to proceed to historical truth: The Delphians, according to Strabo 22, occupy a craggy spot in form of a theatre, on the fouth fide of Parnaffus, on whose fummit ftood the oracle and city, encircling fixteen ftadia: they formerly inhabited above the temple, where Lycoreia is fituated, but now they dwell around the fountain Caftalia. The whole city of Delphi (fays Paufanias) exhibits a declining figure on an acclivity; and thus the temple is described by Juftin 24, as impending on the cliff of Parnaffus ; where multitudes, reforting from every quarter, built a city, and feated themselves on the rock in admiration of its majefty. The temple was not fortified with artificial walls, but natural precipices; and it was a matter of doubt, whether the fecurity of the spot, or the divinity of the God inspired the the greater veneration. Heliodorus " obferves, that Mount Parnaffus was elevated, as a natural citadel, embracing, as it were, by its projecting fides the city. According to Sir George Wheler 7, the modern name of Delphi is Caftri; and he defcribes it as fituated on the fouth side of the mountain Parnaffus, something inclining towards

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Parnaffus geminos fertur junxiffe volatus,
Contulit alternas Pythius axis aves.

72 L. IX. p. 640.

(Carm. 15. v. 16.)

73 See Paufanias (1. X. c. 6. p. 811. & c. 8. p. 818.) And Sir George Wheler afferts, "They call it now, as my companion faith, Liacoura; I understood it Hiliocoro; and should have thought myself mistaken by the article, but that he who told it me, gave me the reafon of its name, viz. because it shines fo bright afar off, like the fun, which they call Hilios, adding the termination Coro, to make it fignify the village of the fun: however it be, both the one and the other retains ftill fomething of the found of the old name." (Travels into Græce, B. IV. p. 317.) 26 B. IV. P. 313.

14 L. XXIV. c. 6.

75 Charicles, 1. 2.

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