necessarily mean that he has done anything wrong. Many have prior convictions, usually misdemeanors, usually petty theft.

These junior-grade criminals, however, have one thing in commona resentment toward the so-called power structure. Consciously or subconsciously, they harbor a grudge. In some, the hatred or resentment is deep enough to permit them to burn buildings. In others, it is not that strong, but strong enough to enable them to participate in looting. In others, it is strong enough only for rock throwing. In some, it is so weak that the person would not even steal, except that the riot provides an irresistible opportunity.

Mr. MCNAMARA. Mr. Younger, if you wanted to start a riot, what kind of a city would you select as a target?

Mr. YOUNGER. I would select a city where the conditions I outlined above exist in abundant measure. It need not be a big city-even Waterloo, Iowa, a town of 75,000, will do so long as the necessary conditions exist. I would not select a city that has recently experienced a riot.

Once citizens of a community know a riot can happen, they try harder to prevent a repeat. It is difficult to start a second riot. Also, the police are better prepared after the first riot. For example, there is a very critical period after the first rock is thrown, the first window boken, when the police can move in with massive but restrained force, and possibly prevent a riot.

The first time, however, police action is not likely to be swift and decisive enough. That, of course, is understandable. Just as a puppy who is spanked every time he barks is not likely to be a good watchdog, so is a police department that for years has been accused of being overly aggressive apt to be not aggressive enough. In Los Angeles and Newark, the police did not overreact; they underreacted. You cannot count on that a second time.

Also-and this might surprise you-I would not select Los Angeles, Newark, or Detroit; but I would select a city like these-a city where some effort has been made to help the Negro. I would not select a city where the Negro is no better off than he was 25 years ago, where there has been no progress or attempt at progress. I would select a community where the voters have elected Negro Congressmen or State legislators or city councilmen or have representatives on the police commission.

A little bit of freedom is a heady wine. When a Negro has a taste of a better life, he understandably wants more. The perfect rioter is one who has experienced excitement, who has tasted a bit of success and is hungry for much of it, who has achieved minor gains and now demands massive rewards as his due.

Mr. MCNAMARA. Having selected your target city, Mr. Younger, what would you then do to trigger a riot?

Mr. YOUNGER. I would step up existing tensions by increasing the anger, fear, resentment, and/or frustration of the disadvantaged minority and then wait for, or create, the incident which will trigger the riot.

Mr. MCNAMARA. What specific steps would you take to do this? Mr. YOUNGER. I would select a white extremist, a Nazi, or a member of the KKK to go on one of the radio or TV "talk" shows, where the wilder and more antagonistic the guest, the more time and exposure he gets, and have him relate the rumor over the air that 100 Negro

snipers have been imported from some named city outside the State to shoot up, not Watts, but Beverly Hills, Glendale, and San Marino. I would encourage him to brandish a firearm, if the host on the show would permit it, and say something like, "By God, let 'em come. I'm ready!

Just to be on the safe side, I would arrange for several other people to repeat this on all the talk shows as often as possible. Then, I would have another person phone in and say that he is a gun dealer and has only five weapons left.

Every gun in town would, of course, be sold within a matter of hours. The Negro extremists would react as anticipated. Policemen would naturally get worried and show it. Leaves would be canceled. The police chief or sheriff or district attorney would say, "Keep calm"--but no one would be listening.

I would then arrange for a TV commentator to bring a TV camera and crew and accompany me into the area selected as the site for the riot. Of course, it would be in a Negro area, preferably the worst in the city.

Most TV station managers and commentators are responsible citizens. They know that TV is an immensely powerful force-for good or bad. But some commentators and stations are preoccupied with ratings and will do almost anything to get dramatic, exciting footage. I would recruit one of this kind. This commentator would probably know all the tricks, but here are some suggestions I could pass on to him:

Find a black nationalist and ask him his reaction to the way the whites are buying up all the guns. He will say that this proves what he has been saying all along, that Whitey is out to exterminate the Negro and that the Negro must move first-"Kill or be killed!"

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Then find another youth screaming, "Burn, baby, burn!" or "Get Whitey !" or some similar war cry. This kind always loves to go on TV and gets twice as wild when the filming starts. Before he goes on, him if he heard the rumor that 30 minutes before, in another area of the city, a white policeman shot and killed a Negro teenager for stealing a package of cigarettes from a drugstore. Naturally, he will relate the rumor as fact on the air and scream a call to all blood brothers to arm themselves.

I would tell the commentator, "Be sure you don't let the head of the Urban League or the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People get on the air and try to calm people down."

I would ask him to stick around as long as possible after the riot starts. "You'll be safe as long as you have film in your camera. Be sure and identify and film the first liquor store that is broken into, so that some inclined to stay at home will get into the act. Concentrate on shots of violence. For example, when a policeman reacts to provocation, show the reaction, not the provocation. If someone kicks a policeman in the groin, don't film that; but be sure and have the camera on when the policeman strikes out to defend himself."

Having started the TV operation, I would then move on until I found two Negro young men fighting. It should not be difficult. Teenagers--white or black--are inclined to be physical. I would phone the police, tell them a gang of Negro teenagers was attacking a white man.

When the first police car arrived, I would phone again and give another false report and get another car to the same area.

The crowd would be growing fast. I would have others phone in more false reports and get more police cars. The more the better. If other fights had not started by this time and if the police had not yet been stoned or spat upon, I would go up to someone in the rear of the crowd-where they could not see the police clearly-and tell him that I saw one of the white policemen in the back seat of a police car pistol whipping one of the Negro teenagers who had his hands cuffed behind him and his feet chained together.

By this time, I would have started an A-1, king-size, bloody riot! Mr. Tuck. Mr. Younger, I hate to interrupt you, but we are engaged in a sort of foot exercise. We have another very important vote. We will have to recess a few minutes and then come back.

Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Chairman, all I have left is in the nature of a conclusion. May I leave a written copy of my conclusions and ask you to incorporate that into the record? Would that be of assistance to you, or would you rather I wait?

Mr. TUCK. We would like to have you do that, but we would like to ask you a few questions.

Mr. YOUNGER. I will be happy to wait. I thought you might want to save the time.

(A brief recess was taken.)

(The subcommittee reconvened with Representatives Tuck and Watson present.)

Mr. Tuck. Go ahead, Mr. McNamara.

Mr. MCNAMARA. Mr. Younger, do you have any suggestions that you would make on steps that could be taken to eliminate or at least to reduce the possibility of riots in the future?

Mr. YOUNGER. Yes, I do, and let me say, Mr. Chairman, I suspect everybody in America has an opinion on riots and what could be done, and should be done, to stop them. And I suppose everyone would like the opportunity to express their personal opinion on what to do to stop them.

I am grateful to you for inviting me here and giving me a chance to express myself.

I think I know what we in America must do in order to stop riots, but we may not yet be ready to do what must be done.

Sooner or later we are going to have to do two things:

First, we must insist that all Americans obey all our laws at all times, period. Not just the laws they like, but all laws, period. Not just when a policeman is polite and has the preferred color skin, but always, period. We must make everyone obey the law, not just the bad guys with guns or burglar tools, but college professors and famous people whose hearts are pure and who are just trying to stop the war in Vietnam-everyone, period.

You have been hearing similar statements from prominent politicians and public officials for months. But if you have listened closely, there has always been a qualification: Laws must be obeyed, but; not laws must be obeyed, period. Laws must be obeyed, "but unless we create more jobs, there will be more riots," or "but unless we spend X billion dollars on slum clearance and higher welfare payments, blood

will flow," or "but you can't expect people without hope to respect the law," et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.

The time has come to say the law must be enforced and obeyed, period. The President of the United States said for the first time on July 27, 1967, during his statement to the American people concerning the riots, "The law must be enforced and obeyed, period." When every responsible citizen in the United States says the law must be enforced and obeyed, period-then we are ready for Step II. Step I without Step II will not provide a permanent solution.

Here is Step II: Free the slaves.

Are we ready for that yet? I wonder. If so, we must be absolutely honest with ourselves and the Negro. To ourselves, let us admit we have not done what is necessary so that the Negro will be treated equally with the white American. And we must be honest with the Negro and say we are not talking about equal cars or equal homes or equal salary, but equal opportunity.

What have we done in the past? The average white American has practiced discrimination in varying ways in varying degrees. He will vote against a school bond issue that would provide needed new educational facilities in a Negro district, then help prepare gift boxes to distribute to poor Negroes at Christmas time to demonstrate lack of prejudice.

We have been afraid to let the Negro come all the way up. We have been afraid to give him equal educational and employment opportunities. Let us face it. We might have successfully kept the Negro in slavery, but we cannot keep him half free.

When the day comes that a Negro child has the same life expectancy as a white child born on the same day, when a Negro child entering kindergarten has the same eventual opportunity to get a job as his white classmate, and when the Negro can live any place he can afford without insults or harassment, then on that day Stokely Carmichael will not be able to afford a trip to Cuba or Vietnam.

Let us be honest and admit that just throwing money at the Negro problem has not made it go away. In the past, after a riot occurs, we have poured money into the area; but we often spend it not to provide opportunity, but as a bribe. We say, in effect, "Here, Negroes, are X million dollars. Spend it; any way; spend it fast; there's more where that came from; but please no more riots."

It is going to cost an enormous amount to give the Negro and other disadvantaged minorities equal opportunities across the board. Let us spend money wisely on true job skill training and placement and on projects like Headstart and compensatory education programs that truly speed the day when the Negro has equal educational opportunities, and not an absurd antipoverty programs where we hire unqualified people to do unnecessary jobs and where we hire untrained and inexperienced, unemployable people to administer the program, so the cost of administration will be over 50 percent and we can get rid of the money faster. This particular program at least provides the poor Negro with a good laugh. It truly does. They really get a good laugh out of that.

It will not be easy or cheap to provide equality of opportunity for the Negro, and it will take a long time. When all Americans are truly ready, then progress can be made. I say let us do it now. The sooner

the better, not because we love all our fellow human beings as we do ourselves that is too much to expect-but because enlightened selfinterest requires that we solve the so-called minority problem permanently-and there is no other way to do it.

Finally, I offer a suggestion. While we are working out our problems, let us get rid of our national inferiority complex. Government should cease its preoccupation with introspection and feelings of guilt and should stop espousing the idea that society is at fault for riots. This self-pity syndrome is extremely dangerous. Let us stop worrying about what the Russians and Chinese Communists will say about us. Let us say to the world: "Sure, we have problems we have problems because our citizens, including Negro citizens, enjoy a higher degree of freedom than has been enjoyed in any other country in the history of the world. When we have trouble with a minority, we don't exterminate the minority. We try to solve the problem. Our system of government isn't perfect. It's just the best ever devised by man!"

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for giving me the chance to appear. (At this point, Mr. Ichord entered the hearing room.)

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much for taking the time to come here today.

I would like to apologize for the committee for these several interruptions. When we invited you here, we could not foresee that.

Mr. YOUNGER. Not at all, Mr. Chairman. As a taxpayer, I am glad to see the conscientious manner in which our Congressmen operate.

Mr. TuсK. We try to get ourselves recorded as much as we can, particularly on important matters such as we have on the floor today. Thank you for your expert testimony here on the subject of how riots may be started.

I believe you brought us a very sensible answer as to how riots may be stopped, that is, by firm adherence to the enforcement of law and to require strict obedience of the law on the part of all persons, irrespective of positions in society or official life, local or national, they may occupy.

I have been a strong adherent to that view. I have had responsibilities along that line in law enforcement in the past. I have insisted on it, and we have law enforcement in our State most of the time.

I believe, as you indicate you do here in your statement, that law enforcement can be maintained at the local and State level. The difficulty in some areas is that outsiders, those representing outside organizations, the Federal Government, even, have sent men in there who seem to have the effect of impeding or hampering the police or harassing them.

I believe that the citizens in the localities and States in our Nation are competent to enforce the law, if given free rein and encouraged to do so.

I was rather astonished, however, to hear you state that none of the riots had been caused by any outside influence, that they just happened. I am not an authority on that subject, but we have had some disturbances not too far away from my home. According to the press, as I understood it, in Cambridge, Maryland, some woman came over there and agitated those people and started one of the riots. Then they had a second riot in Cambridge, started by Stokely Carmichael. I have the feeling that while conditions may be ripe for riots in