And first, as to the tests established at Haileybury, the argument begged the whole question. The question was as to the efficacy, not of a test enforced by examination, but of a mere test enforced by examination. It was, whether an isolated trial of literary proficiency would answer the same purpose as where that trial formed a part of a continued system of instruction and inspection. To say, therefore, that the efficiency of this portion of the system, as cut off and separate from the rest, was proved by its efficiency when applied in connection and co-operation with the rest, was manifestly to take for granted the thing in dispute. Next, as to the examination of the assistant-surgeons, he (Mr. Grant) did not, at any rate, admit this to be an instance in point: but, in fact, it was a mistake to suppose that the proficiency of the persons appointed to these situations was tried by mere examination; for, first, the surgical knowledge of the candidate was ascertained, not by examination, but by the testimonial of the College of Surgeons, which was an absolute sine qua non; and it was important to recollect that the College of Surgeons, so far from granting their testimonial on a mere examination, always required a certificate of at least six months' attendance on the surgical practice of a hospital before they would consent to examine at all. Next, as to the medical proficiency of the candidate, it was true that formerly this had been trusted to a mere examination; but what was the result? Why, that some few years ago, the Directors, finding from experience that this mere test was inadequate, made a rule that no candidate should in future be put on his examination until he should have produced proofs of his having gone through a certain course of medical study, namely, the attendance for a certain period on the medical practice of a metropolitan hospi. tal, besides the attendance on a course of medical lectures. Lastly, a still more curious circumstance was to be noticed as to this supposed precedent: for it having been found necessary or expedient that the persons appointed to surgeonships should possess some skill in the Oriental languages, so far from even this being trusted to the simple efficacy of an examination, there was actually a compulsory rule, by which they were to attend a course of Dr. Gilchrist's Oriental lectures. (Hear!) The alleged precedent of the officers of the Company's regular ships would, on inquiry, be found exactly as applicable as that of the assistant-surgeons. Was every thing in the instance of those officers committed to the effect of an examination? On the contrary, by compulsory regulations it was exacted, that no person could be a third-mate who should not have attained the age of twenty-one years, and performed at least two voyages to and from India in the Company's service; that none could be a second-mate who should not have attained the age of twenty-two, and performed at least one such voyage as third-mate; that none could be appointed chief-mate who should not have attained the age of twenty-three, and performed at least one such voyage as second or third mate; and lastly, that none could be a captain who should not have attained the age of twenty-five, and performed at least one such voyage as chief or second-mate. This then, so far as the difference of the cases allowed, was exactly that for which he contended; it was an authority that a mere examination would not suffice-that you must superadd to your test a previous probation for it was plain that a very rough probation was required from those naval officers; it was insisted that they should have seen service-that they should have gone through a course of actual discipline from the winds and waves. : These precedents, then, if applicable at all, applied on the contrary side to that for which they were cited; but, to crown all, reference was made to the example of the Company's Military Seminary. If ever an institution existed entirely and conclusively parallel in the point now under consideration, and indeed in most of the points which had been discussed, with the College of Haileybury, it was the greatly (and he doubted not, justly) praised seminary at Addiscombe. There, as at Haileybury, the system was compulsory; for by the rules and regulations, no person could be appointed to the artillery or engineer corps of the Company's army who should not have remained at Addiscombe during a prescribed period. There, as at Haileybury, you had the test of an examination both at the outset and at the close of the student's stay; and yet, not content with both, you compelled him to go through a given course of instruction and inspection, under masters not chosen by himself, but forced on him by the Company. There, as at Haileybury, not only was the student's whole period of stay pro bationary, but his first six months were probationary in a peculiar sense, for he was attached to a probationary academy, and if not reported competent to enter the ulterior or foundation academy, he was returned to his friends, and could never again be admitted to the seminary. Was it, then, possible to bring forward the example of this institution, as an authority in opposition to the existing system for the education of the civil servants? Was it not a direct authority the other way? He therefore must retain his opinion, that a mere test would afford a most preca rious criterion, even of that which alone it pretended to secure, the literary and scientific proficiency of the young writers. Tests were always found to degenerate, unless kept alive, either by grafting them on a course and system of actual instruction and institution, or by throwing open the contest to an unlimited number of competitors. But, supposing the test to prove as effective as he had no doubt it was intended to be by the Hon. Gentleman who proposed it, and what would be the consequence? Why, that failures would take place that youug men would be found incompetent-that they would be rejected; and the instant this happened, the instant the pressure and friction of the new system began to be felt, that instant all those regrets, all those complaints, all those desires for a change which the adoption of it was expected to hush, would commence anew. Or suppose that Parliament should adopt the idea recommended by some gentlemen, and either by attaching the nominations of writers to some of the public schools or the universities, in the shape of exhibitions, or in some other manner, should render an education at some of those seminaries compulsory; and suppose also, which was clearly necessary even to the possibility of the success of such a plan, that the actual appointment of the young writer should be made to depend on his attaining some honour or distinction at the seminary to which he was sent: could any thing be plainer, than that the same results would follow which were now set forth as the specific reasons for a change of system? It was perfectly fallacious to suppose otherwise. Some of the probationers would prove idle, others would be disobedient; hints of removal would be given, hints of removal would not be taken, overt dismissals would follow, grief, mortification, accusation, desires of innovation-in a word, the whole series of effects which they now witnessed would ensue in regular train; the very discussions in that Court, discussions so much deprecated, so undoubtedly inconvenient, would break out afresh; and propositions like the present would be made, propositions for addressing Parliament to repeal that very clause, whatever it might be, which Parliament should on the present application have adopted. (Hear! hear!) Here, in his view, was the decisive, the irrefutable objection to the present motion. The Hon. Mover disclaim. ed all purpose or idea of destroying or superseding the college; he doubted not, he was well persuaded of the entire sincerity of the disclaimer; his own conviction however was, that such would be the result, though not the object of the plan proposed. But even if not, at least the institution would be placed in hazard; and then what would be the actual nature and effect of the change, but that a system of great practical excellence, a system admitted to be working well, a system proved to have produced highly beneficial consequences, would be destroyed, would be at least abandoned to chance, with the view of avoiding evils which were not to be avoided, and of securing advantages which were utterly unattainable? (Hear! hear !) "But was there then to be no end of these expulsions?" On that point he would speak cautiously. If by the ques tion it was meant to be asked, whether this institution could be so altered as to exclude the penalty of expulsion, or even the hazard of its being enforced in many instances, he certainly could make but one answer. He would not hold out, he would not indulge fallacious hopes; if any words formerly uttered by him could fairly be understood as warranting such hopes, he begged leave to retract them. He would not deceive himself, nor would he delude the Proprietors; well knowing that any system of probation, whatever its nature that even a mere literary probation like the proposed test-must necessarily suppose instances of failure; that it must involve the contingency of failure in each case, and the moral certainty of failure in some. He would not for a moment pretend to give a pledge which he knew to be visionary. How could he do so when he felt, not only that probation was inevitably subject to the contingency in question, but that its whole efficacy depended on its being so subject? But if he were only desired to state his opinion whether the number of expulsions was likely to diminish, though even on this point he would not speak decisively, he would say, that if the institution were adequately cherished, and were thereby made strong in opinion, a twofold result would probably follow. First, young men could not be compelled to resort to it who were palpably unfit for the trial. Before the establishment of the college, parents who could command ap. pointments to the civil service were always under the strongest temptation to select for such appointments the least manageable of their sons, those least likely to push their fortune in other lines; it was not in human nature to resist this temptation. The tormenting boy, therefore, received his nomination, and was at once swept out of the way. He did not mean to speak the language of blame; he was stating that which it was consistent with the principles that ordinarily govern mankind to expect. He would beg to confirm the remark by reading a passage from a letter written by the late lamented Bishop of Calcutta, Dr. Middleton: "To revert (said the Bishop) to Hertford, if the institution should be dissolved, I know not what is to supply its place: nothing but the languages required in the service of the Company is, or can well be, thought of at Calcutta; and as to leaving the parents, who obtain writerships, to educate their sons as they please, as the very appointment is the young man's fortuue ready-made, it is not to be hoped from human nature that there will be a very general solicitude to form their minds and manners; many will consider it as a very needless expense, and will bestow their money and care upon sons destined to the liberal professions, and who must find their way in the world." This was the language of a man of sense and observation. When, however, it was distinctly understood by parents that the appointment of an incompetent young man, or, it might be added, of a young man otherwise of good parts and dispositions, but who personally disliked the vocation thus assigned to him, involved the risk of the loss of the very prize in view, they would be more cautious; they would select more fitly, and with greater regard to the wishes and feelings of the person selected. This would be the first good effect; the next would be, that they would listen more readily to the suggestions of the college authorities as to the expediency of removing an untoward or incapable subject; and often by a timely resort to this measure, they may be enabled to arrange the renewal of the lost appointment to a more promising member of the same family. Then, as to any of the young men who after all may dislike the college, the more confirmed the institution becomes in the general opinion, and the less hope there appears, even to the wildest of them in his wildest moments, that a contumacious defiance of authority will escape unpunished, the greater will be their disposition to subdue their aversion, and to acquiesce in a system which could not be subverted. The question might, however, be put, "Is it not hard that a very young man, for an act of momentary indiscretion, should be deprived of an appointment which amounts to a provision for life?"— "My answer (said Mr. Grant) must be by some other questions: does not the appoinment of which you speak carry with it a trust as well as a provision? Rate as highly as you will the value of that provision, can it be more than commensurate with the importance of that trust? For the due execution of that trust, is it not fitting that the young writer should be prepared by undergoing a course of probation? Is it possible, in the nature of your service, that such probation should effectually be had, except in this country, and previously to the actual and definitive nomination? Is it possible, in the nature of things, that such probation can be had any where, without incurring some risk that the candidate shall be found wanting? Early in life, Sir, I was much struck with an essay, by a popular writer, against inconsistency in our expectations. The argument of the essayist is, that if men deliberately devote themselves to the attainment of a particular object, they must not afterwards repine when they feel the sacrifices which their pursuit has cost them; it was their own choice, they made their election, and they ought not to long like children for incompatible advantages. This is the very argument I presume to use in the present instance. We loved not the possession of a cheap and inglorious patronage; we chose to burden the noble appointments confided to the Company with the charges and the hazards of providing a qualification for the persons nominated. Then, when those charges are to be paid, when those hazards take actual effect, let us not start as if some strange thing had befallen us; no, we made our election, we bade for a great and good object; and having achieved our purpose, let us pay the price! "Is it, after all, a price too costly that we pay? Observe the singular nature of our rule in the East. Over the immense area and swarming population of British India, we pour forth, from year to year, a body of British functionaries. From one extremity of a vast empire to the other, the Executive Power, throughout all its departments, is in the hands of foreigners, forced on the people, without the consent of the subject being in any one instance asked or known. I say not this in the way of blame; the government, like the acquisition itself, is one of the sword, and at present no change can be contemplated. Such is the fact, however; the will of the governed has in this case no influence, not even an imperfect one, in the choice of their rulers. But, if so, are we not under the strongest obligations to supply, by our own spontaneous acts, those qualifications in the functionaries wo employ, which cannot be exacted by any regular reaction of the inclinations of the people? There is one consideration which appears to me at this time peculiarly to enhance the force of these obligations. It is not merely, as was observed by my Hon. and Learned Friend on the floor (Mr. Impey) who argued the whole of this question with so much force and justice, that the incompetency of a public functionary may produce peculiar mischief in India: but, besides this, all credible testimony conspires in assuring us, that a rapid increase of intelligence is now observable among our Indian subjects. At such a crisis, ought we not, with all our energy, to employ the best, the most effective, the only legitimate means of maintaining our dominion? Ought we not to use every exertion for the improvement of the moral and intellectual character of our executive servants? Always recollecting that our mental ascendancy— that the supremacy of character, is the real secret of our strength; the real talisman of our power; and that, the moment when that mental ascendancy ceases to exist, that moment our political ascendancy, which is dependant on it, will, and ought to go also, (Hear, hear !) Thus are we situated relatively to the people of India; how, meanwhile, stands our account with the people of England? It would have been possible, it would even have been natural, for the British Legislature, instead of conferring on the Company the exclusive, or nearly exclusive disposal of the nominations to the civil service, to have thrown wide the gates of that service, to all the youth, and enterprize, and ambition, and capacity of the nation at large. Were the entrance opened at this moment, who can doubt that an ardent competition would take place among the most intelligent classes of the community, for admission to the discharge of the important administrative functions of British India? But the state, while considerably qualifying our commercial monopoly, has left untouched our monopoly of patronage; it is still vested in the Company, as represented by their Directors. A great and noble boon undoubtedly but does it hot, therefore, become doubly and a thousand fold incumbent on us, to justify that generous grant, to prove ourselves worthy of that sacred trust? Every consideration urges on us the importance even of superfluous exertion for this purpose; that when the period, now in no very distant prospect, shall arrive, the period at which we shall apply for the renovation of our privileges, we may meet the Legislature with confidence, and may give a good, and bold, and triumphant account of the great and mighty stewardship which we have exercised. (Hear, hear!) : : "With respect to the cases of privavations suffered by individuals, I regret them with those who regret them the most deeply they are always cases of great delicacy, often cases of very considerable hardship; they call for the sincerest sympathy. But, let us recollect, that these losses and evils, in fact, constitute a part of the tax which, in a collective sense, we pay for the exalted position that we occupy; and that it is the very nature of such taxes to bear hard on individual members of the community on which they are imposed. Heavy as they are, they are not to be put in competition with the vast benefits which they purchase. They even vanish in the comparison, they must be numbered among the many losses, and privations, and difficulties, which, for a long series of years, this high and imperial Company has voluntarily incurred; and so long as it pursues such a course, so long shall I say of it, Esto perpetua! which it has incurred, I say, as the conditions of achieving greatness to itself, and reflecting glory on its country, and conferring the most important blessings on mankind; losses, by which it has gained wealth and dominion; privations, which Providence has been pleased to reward with signal prosperity; sacrifices, on which success, like the fire of Heaven, has descended." Mr. Grant said he was sorry to have detained the Court so long, and most grateful for their attention. The sum of the whole was, that in its effect, though not in its intention, the proposed change, if it would not pull down, would at least greatly endanger a system of great and indisputable practical excellence, for the sake of trying an experiment of the most doubtful issue. If, in the course of so long an address, and on a subject that interested him deeply, he had at any moment deviated from the example of candour and fairness which had been exhibited in introducing the motion, and on which he could truly say he had endeavoured to model himself, he begged leave to express the most unfeigned concern. (Hear, hear!) He should much lament, if he had brought to the discussion of a subject, which circumstances made him regard as most serious, any portion of heat or asperity. (Hear!) Should the Court differ from him in their view of the question, he could only say-perhaps he might be allowed to take this, the only opportunity he might have of expressing a strong feeling-that no difference of opinion on a particular subject, sacred as he deemed that which was now under consideration, could efface the profound sense of gratitude which he and other persons dear to him entertained towards the Court, for their recent proceedings on an occasion, to which he was not able to advert in more express terms. Should they, on the other hand, agree with him in sentiment, it would be to him a matter of high gratification. (Hear, hear, hear!) It being now near six o'clock, the debate, on the motion of Mr. Pattison, was adjourned to this day se'nnight. East-India House, March 3. Pursuant to requisition, a Special General Court of Proprietors of East-India Stock was this day held at the Company's house in Leadenhall Street. SERVICES OF THE MARQUESS OF HASTINGS. The Chairman (Wm. Wigram, Esq.)"I am to acquaint the Court, that it is met in consequence of a requisition signed by nine Proprietors, to take into consideration the services of the late Governor General, the Marquess of Hastings. The requisition shall now be read.". The Clerk then read as follows: "To the Honourable the Court of Direc. tors of the East-India Company. "London, Feb. 18, 1824. "Gentlemen: We, the undersigned Proprietors, duly qualified, request you will call a Court of Proprietors of EastIndia Stock at the earliest convenient day, for taking into their consideration the services of the late Governor-General, the Marquess of Hastings. "Your obedient servants, "JAS. SHAW, "C. FLOWER, DOUGLAS KINNAIRD, "J. C. VILLIERS, "ALEX. JOHNSTON." The Hon. D. Kinnaird immediately proceeded to address the Court. He observed that, on similar occasions, it was usual for the person who introduced so important a subject as this was to the consideration of the Court, to consume some of its time in apologizing for having ventured to undertake that duty. He would not do so on the present occasion: he would endeavour to save their time; for, as the truth and importance of what he was about to say would be self-apparent, he required no apology for bringing forward the subject. The notice itself, which fully explained the object he had in view, would permit him to proceed at once in medias res. The question to be considered was intimately connected with a series of official documents, and he could not do better than to introduce to the Court the merits and services of the Marquess of Hastings, by reading, in the first place, the resolution of the Court of Directors of the 20th November 1816, giving the unanimous thanks of that Court to the Marquess of Hastings, for his meritorious conduct in carrying on and concluding the Nepaul war. That resolution was as follows: "At a Court of Directors, held on Wednesday the 20th of November 1816, it was "Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this Court be given to the Earl of Moira, K.G., Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief, for the prudence, energy, and ability, combined with a judi. cious application of the resources of the Company, displayed by his Lordship in planning and directing the operations of the late war against the Nepaulese, undertaken in consequence of a persevering system of encroachment and insult on their part; and also for his wisdom and moderation in availing himself of the successes obtained by the army, for concluding a peace with the Ghoorka power, on terms both honourable and advantageous." That resolution was subsequently proposed by the Court of Directors for the Asiatic Journ. ---No. 100. adoption of the Court of Proprietors, and there also it was unanimously agreed to. In the course of the debate on that occasion, it was remarked that those thanks were specifically voted for the manner in which the Noble Marquess had conducted the war, without at all adverting to its justice or its policy. About the same period, the Noble Marquess received the thanks of the House of Lords, which the Earl of Liverpool moved in the following words: "That the thanks of this House be given to General the Marquess of Has. tings, for his judicious arrangements in the plan and direction of the military operations against Nepaul, by which the war was brought to a successful issue, and peace established upon just and honourable terms.' The Here, it should be observed, that the thanks were given to General the Marquess of Hastings. In proposing that vote, the Earl of Liverpool said, that "he should not call for any opinion on the justice and necessity of the war. Some allusion had been made to it in the King's speech, and he believed Lord Grey had, in speaking on the subject, on a former evening, stat ed that, "he was not pledged to give an opinion on the justice of that war." Earl of Liverpool further observed on that occasion, "in reference to what had been said by a Noble Lord the other evening, as to difference of opinion respecting the prosecution of the war, he must observe, that the statement was founded in error. That Noble Lord was completely wrong in supposing that any protest had been made by certain members of the Council in India against the war. With respect to the justice and necessity of commencing hostilities, there certainly was no difference of opinion in India; and it also had been the opinion of the Government of this country, that, in order to check the encroachments and aggressions of the Nepaul power, no other remedy remained but an appeal to the sword." Thus the Noble Earl abstained from considering the justice and policy of the war, and confined the thanks solely to the military operations of the Noble Marquess. In the House of Commons, on the same day, Mr. Canning, who was then President of the Board of Control, moved a similar resolution. There also the vote was to General the Marquess of Hastings. In bringing it before the House, Mr. Canning complimented the sagacious and comprehensive policy of Lord Hastings, and observed that, "such was the impression made upon the Government in this country by the representations of the Bengal Government respecting the aggressions of Nepaul, that orders were framed for the purpose of directing that very course of conduct which had then already VOL. XVII. 3 I |