up to the limits of the province of strictest interpretation of those words, Chieng-Kheng, to which British rights in such a distant portion of the globe, have revived. These limits have never remote from the ordinary means of been accurately ascertained, and one of access, out of reach of the telegraph, the duties imposed upon the joint and inhabited by an uncivilized popugeographical commission, now at work lation, would appear to be a danger in those regions, is to ascertain the rather than a security both to France limits of that province. and to Great Britain. It might become By the protocol of 31st July, 1893, the resort of the ill-conditioned, the Great Britain and France have agreed fugitives and the bandits of the neighin principle to the constitution of a boring provinces, and a base of opneutral zone or buffer state between erations which they might use for their possessions, and by a subsequent incursions of a predatory character agreement a breadth of about eighty against the more law-abiding inhabkilometres has been assigned to such itants of contiguous states. Such a intermediary zone. Great Britain is state of things must rapidly lead to prepared to throw into this zone that trouble and friction. Even the narrow portion of the Chieng-Kheng State strip of neutral ground which divides which lies beyond the Mekong, i.e., on the left or eastern bank of the river. France, however, does not appear to be content with a state of things which would leave Great Britain on the banks of the Mekong, whilst leaving her at a considerable distance from the river.

Gibraltar from Spain is a source of constant trouble and difficulty both to the Spaniards and ourselves. If troubles arise between two highly civilized powers over a few acres of No Man's Land situated under the very eyes of Europe, is it not probable or even certain that in a remote region, peopled by wild races, where every trifling incident is liable to be grossly

By the same protocol, Great Britain and France agreed to constitute the neutral zone by means of "mutual exaggerated in its passage from mouth sacrifices and concessions." We have to mouth, we are laying up for ourindicated the "sacrifices and conces- selves a sure heritage of difficulty and sions" which we are prepared to make, of danger? Mr. G. Curzon, M.P., viz., the trans-Mekong portion of the than whom few men are better qualiChieng-Kheng State. It now rests fied to speak upon this matter, has with France to show her good faith already in the House of Commons deand her intention to carry out the nounced the establishment of this agreement of 31st July, 1893, by indi- neutral zone as a delusion. In the cating the "sacrifices and concessions" | which she is prepared to make in return. Both parties are of one mind as to the undesirability of becoming nextdoor neighbors in this remote region of the world, but if France expects us to make any further retrograde movement in order that she may advance, she will be disappointed.

absence of any State with sufficient authority to establish and maintain order, to which this neutral zone could be handed over, and whose peaceful possession of it could be mutually guaranteed, there seems to be a rock ahead of us of no inconsiderable dimensions, to avoid which will demand the experience and skill of the most accomThe commissioners representing the plished diplomatic pilots. We have two powers are now on the spot and at already handed over to China the provwork, and until their reports are re-ince of Chieng-Kung, which is astride ceived the question of the boundaries of the Mekong, but higher up the river and character of the buffer state is than Chieng-Kheng, and China would presumably dormant. It will, how-naturally have been the power to which ever, on its revival doubtless prove the buffer state could have been handed thorny and complicated. For the mere over for administration and control. establishment of a neutral zone, in the But the collapse of China in the re

cent war has revealed her inherent | carried out by Siam, France still reweakness, and has rendered such a mains in possession of Chantaboon. solution impossible.

It is a somewhat singular coincidence that, on the very day upon which the treaty and the convention were signed at Bangkok, M. Develle had a conversation with Lord Dufferin in Paris, in which he (M. Develle) assured our am

The settlement of the question seems to lie in granting to Siam the control of the proposed buffer state, and at the same time joining with France in a guarantee to Siam of the future integrity of her possessions. This is a solu-bassador that the French government tion which Great Britain would accept; but would France do so?

desired no better than to evacuate the place, as it was a most inconvenient The question of the retrocession to station for troops, and that as the conSiam of the port of Chantaboon is one vention stipulated that Siamese troops in which Great Britain is less directly were to be removed from the Mekong interested than in the constitution of a within a month, "within a month, buffer state. The importance of Chan- therefore, Chantaboon would be evactaboon, however, lies in the fact that uated." Eighteen months have now it is the outlet of the rich provinces passed since that statement was made, of Battambong and Angkor through and yet there is no sign of withdrawal. which, and through which alone, the Soon after the expiration of the month, trade with these provinces can be car-Lord Dufferin pointed out to M. Deried on, and is the seat of the pepper velle that, the Siamese troops having trade, now in British hands. The his- been removed from the Mekong, the tory of the occupation by the French of time had arrived for the stipulated this port can be soon told. When the withdrawal of French troops from Siamese finally decided to accept the Chantaboon; and, in reply, M. DeFrench ultimatum France demanded velle said that he would at once telethe occupation of the town and river graph to the French agent at Bangkok of Chantaboon until the complete and with a view of, if possible, fixing a pacific evacuation of all positions on date for the evacuation of Chantaboon, the left bank of the Mekong had been which, he said, "without doubt, would carried out. To these terms Siam as- be very prompt." These assurances sented on the 1st August, 1893, and on were renewed in November, 1893, but the 3rd August Baron d'Estournelles, from that time to the present moment, the French chargé d'affaires in En- although Siam has, on her part, carried gland, announced that orders had been out every one of the articles of the sent to occupy the port simultaneously treaty and accompanying convention, with the raising of the blockade of the France has, so far as the public are mouth of the Menam. The town, fort, aware, shown no signs of her intention and river of Chantaboon were accord- to fulfil the obligation of withdrawal ingly occupied by French and Anna-into which she has entered. mite troops. The convention executed by Siam and France at the same time as the treaty, viz., 3rd October, 1893, declared in Art. VI. that

The French government shall continue to occupy Chantaboon until the execution of the stipulations of the present Convention, and more especially until the complete evacuation and pacification both of the left bank and of the zones designated in Art. III. of the treaty of this day's date.

Notwithstanding the fact that all these stipulations have long since been

NEWFOUNDLAND.

the

THE controversy respecting Treaty Shore of Newfoundland, and the nature of the French rights of fishery thereon, takes us back almost two centuries in the world's history. The root of the matter lies in the interpretation of the 13th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, 1713, and of a declaration of George III., dated 3rd September, 1783. By the former instrument it was agreed that the island of Newfoundland should thenceforward belong of

right wholly to Great Britain, but that | salmon fishery; whilst the British govthe subjects of France should be al- ernment have always maintained that lowed to catch fish and dry them on the French have no right to the fishland on a part of the coast duly speci-eries in rivers.

fied. The latter instrument declared During the last half century negotiathe intention of his Majesty, King tions have been almost uninterruptedly carried on commissions have been George III., to take the most positive measures for pre-conferences have been held, agreeappointed, commissioners have met, venting his subjects from interrupting in any manner by their competition, the ments have been drafted, conventions fishery of the French during the temporary have been signed, many a modus exercise of it, which is granted to them vivendi has come into force- and yet upon the coasts of the island of Newfound- the points in dispute remain as far land, and that he will cause the fixed settlements which shall be formed there to be removed [and] give orders that the French fishermen be not incommoded in cutting wood necessary for the repair of their scaffolds, huts, and fishing vessels.

from a settlement as ever. It would be wearisome to recapitulate even a tithe of the history of these negotiations, which have almost invariably pursued an identical course. Whenever the governments of Great Britain Subsequent treaties have from time and France have been on the point of to time included references to this an amicable settlement, the governquestion, but not of such a nature as ment of Newfoundland have refused materially to affect the respective their assent to the proposed terms, and rights accruing under the Treaty of have dashed to the ground any hopes 1713, and the Declaration of 1783. of a permanent solution. The original Under them France claims an exclusive right of fishery upon the Treaty Shore, and that all British fixed settlements of whatever nature on that portion of the coast are contrary to treaty. Great Britain, on the other hand, has maintained that British subjects have a Eventually an agreement was arrived right to fish concurrently with the at between the British and French French, so long as they do not inter-governments, and signed on the 11th rupt the latter, and that the undertak- March, 1891, constituting an arbitration ing in the Declaration of 1783 to cause tribunal for the purpose of deciding, in the removal of fixed settlements, referred only to fixed fishing settlements, and that fixed settlements of any other kind are not contrary to the Declara

tion.

Such being the opposing contentions of the two powers, it is not to be wondered at that practical difficulties should have occurred between their respective subjects on the spot.

points in dispute have been complicated by the discovery and the development of the industry of the lobster fishery, which has necessitated the erection of permanent buildings upon the shore.

the first place, whether lobsters are fish within the meaning of the Treaty of Utrecht, and subsequently, after the solution of this important question of natural history and international law, of deciding other subsidiary questions relative to the fisheries on the Treaty Shore of Newfoundland. That tribunal of arbitration has not yet met, and, read by the light of five years of subseThe inhabitants of Newfoundland quent history, the last clause of the have been desirous of developing the agreement, "It shall meet as soon as resources of their country as regards possible," sounds somewhat ironical. mines, agriculture, and other indus- The cause of the delay is due to the tries; but have been met by the objec- fact that the French Government have tions of France. French fishermen refused to ratify the agreement on the have been in the habit of fishing the ground that they are not satisfied that rivers, and of barring them with nets, the colonial government would adeand thereby causing great injury to the quately provide for the execution of

the arbitration convention, and they wrongly, taken. When, however, that are not prepared to accept the legisla- is assured, there will be no further tive acts of the colony as a sufficient excuse for delay in referring the points guarantee for the execution of the con- in dispute to arbitration.

America, which no British government | antly enough for us juniors in the mil-
could surrender, and by which the itary world, there was an undercurrent
British people are determined to stand.
JAMES W. LOWTHER.

From Blackwood's Magazine.
A FENIAN SPY.

of uneasiness among the Castle authorities and the army staff. The Fenian conspiracy had developed itself, and it was not known how far it had really spread among the people. The American Civil War was not long finished, and many desperadoes, with practical military training, had been turned loose upon the world. Many of these were ill-disposed Irishmen, who were

IN 186- the 200th lay in the Liffey Barracks in Dublin. I believe these old quarters have been pretty well re-ready to join any rebellious outbreak, built now, and I dare say I should not and to give the benefit of their experiknow the place again. When we were ence as leaders to their countrymen there it was before the days of sanita- who belonged to the organization and tion, and though we had a fine lot of were said to be ready to rise. There men, there were always a number of were whisperings of midnight drills, sick. The mist used to roll up from of collections of arms, and of prethe river, and carried with it a most concerted signals which should set appalling smell. The barrack-rooms the country in a blaze from one end were crowded in the old-fashioned way, to the other. But if uneasiness was the drains had been made fifty years felt, energetic action was not wantbefore, and I fancy the water-supplying. If any two Irishmen conspire, was about as bad as it could be. The there is always at least one of them word typhoid was not known then, but ready to sell information about the undoubtedly we had a very familiar ac- plot to the government, and this time quaintance with the article. Several was to be no exception to the general of our men found a last resting-place | rule. We were electrified one morning in the cemetery, and young Devereux by hearing that the Fenian head-centre and Milton lay at the point of death for Wilkins and others had been suddenly weeks. If it had not been for the de-arrested and safely lodged in Kilmainvotion and fatherly care of old Mac-ham jail. A few days later it was the pherson, our surgeon, they would never turn of the military authorities to show have sat at the mess-table again. that they were not to be caught napBut those who were not sick had a ping, and some gentlemen, who had deal of fun. Cars and cabs were rat-intended to make a demonstration in a tling along the stinking old quays pretty southern county, found to their disgust constantly between the barracks and an infantry detachment strolling on the the fashionable part of the town. same ground as themselves, which was There was yachting at Kingstown, hard-hearted enough to fire upon them cricket in the Phoenix, and no end of and show them that rebellion was not garden-parties and cheery gatherings such a simple matter as they had exof sorts in the town and country. The pected. In Dublin we had extra colonel, too, was not a man to let the pickets ready to act by night and day, reputation of the regiment in the field and if any of the scoundrels there had suffer at his hands, and when his made up their minds to break out, they bucketing field-days were added to the would have received "what for" in a weekly brigade and divisional parades, very peremptory and effective manner. the captains of troops found their souls To most of us, however, all this was exercised within them at the way in only a pleasant element of excitement which the old troop-horses lost flesh in our lives, and beyond the additional and began to show the "poor man's duties and the undeniable hardship of mark" on their quarters. having to go on picket in the early morning after dancing at some party

But while life was going on pleas