up to the limits of the province of strictest interpretation of those words, remote from the ordinary means of By the same protocol, Great Britain and France agreed to constitute the neutral zone by means of "mutual sacrifices and concessions." We have indicated the "sacrifices and concessions" which we are prepared to make, viz., the trans-Mekong portion of the Chieng-Kheng State. It now rests with France to show her good faith and her intention to carry out the agreement of 31st July, 1893, by indicating the "sacrifices and concessions" which she is prepared to make in return. Both parties are of one mind as to the undesirability of becoming nextdoor neighbors in this remote region of the world, but if France expects us to make any further retrograde movement in order that she may advance, she will be disappointed. ized powers over a few acres of No Man's Land situated under the very eyes of Europe, is it not probable or even certain that in a remote region, peopled by wild races, where every trifling incident is liable to be grossly exaggerated in its passage from mouth to mouth, we are laying up for ourselves a sure heritage of difficulty and of danger? Mr. G. Curzon, M.P., than whom few men are better qualified to speak upon this matter, has already in the House of Commons denounced the establishment of this neutral zone as a delusion. In the absence of any State with sufficient authority to establish and maintain order, to which this neutral zone could be handed over, and whose peaceful possession of it could be mutually guaranteed, there seems to be a rock ahead of us of no inconsiderable dimensions, to avoid which will demand the experience and skill of the most accomThe commissioners representing the plished diplomatic pilots. We have two powers are now on the spot and at already handed over to China the provwork, and until their reports are re-ince of Chieng-Kung, which is astride ceived the question of the boundaries of the Mekong, but higher up the river and character of the buffer state is than Chieng-Kheng, and China would presumably dormant. It will, how naturally have been the power to which ever, on its revival doubtless prove the buffer state could have been handed thorny and complicated. For the mere over for administration and control. establishment of a neutral zone, in the But the collapse of China in the re cent war has revealed her inherent | carried out by Siam, France still reweakness, and has rendered such a mains in possession of Chantaboon. solution impossible. It is a somewhat singular coincidence The settlement of the question seems that, on the very day upon which the to lie in granting to Siam the control of treaty and the convention were signed the proposed buffer state, and at the at Bangkok, M. Develle had a conversame time joining with France in a sation with Lord Dufferin in Paris, in guarantee to Siam of the future integ- which he (M. Develle) assured our amrity of her possessions. This is a solu-bassador that the French government tion which Great Britain would accept ; | desired no better than to evacuate the but would France do so? place, as it was a most inconvenient The question of the retrocession to station for troops, and that as the conSiam of the port of Chantaboon is one vention stipulated that Siamese troops in which Great Britain is less directly were to be removed from the Mekong interested than in the constitution of a within a month, "within a month, buffer state. The importance of Chan- therefore, Chantaboon would be evactaboon, however, lies in the fact that uated." Eighteen months have now it is the outlet of the rich provinces passed since that statement was made, of Battambong and Angkor through and yet there is no sign of withdrawal. which, and through which alone, the Soon after the expiration of the month, trade with these provinces can be car- Lord Dufferin pointed out to M. Deried on, and is the seat of the pepper velle that, the Siamese troops having trade, now in British hands. The his- been removed from the Mekong, the tory of the occupation by the French of time had arrived for the stipulated this port can be soon told. When the withdrawal of French troops from Siamese finally decided to accept the Chantaboon; and, in reply, M. DeFrench ultimatum France demanded velle said that he would at once telethe occupation of the town and river graph to the French agent at Bangkok of Chantaboon until the complete and with a view of, if possible, fixing a pacific evacuation of all positions on date for the evacuation of Chantaboon, the left bank of the Mekong had been which, he said, "without doubt, would carried out. To these terms Siam as- be very prompt.” These assurances sented on the 1st August, 1893, and on were renewed in November, 1893, but the 3rd August Baron d'Estournelles, from that time to the present moment, the French chargé d'affaires in En- although Siam has, on her part, carried gland, announced that orders had been out every one of the articles of the sent to occupy the port simultaneously treaty and accompanying convention, with the raising of the blockade of the France has, so far as the public are mouth of the Menam. The town, fort, aware, shown no signs of her intention and river of Chantaboon were accord- to fulfil the obligation of withdrawal ingly occupied by French and Anna-into which she has entered. mite troops. The convention executed by Siam and France at the same time as the treaty, viz., 3rd October, 1893, declared in Art. VI. that The French government shall continue to occupy Chantaboon until the execution of the stipulations of the present Convention, and more especially until the complete evacuation and pacification both of the left bank and of the zones designated in Art. III. of the treaty of this day's date. Notwithstanding the fact that all these stipulations have long since been NEWFOUNDLAND. the THE controversy respecting Treaty Shore of Newfoundland, and the nature of the French rights of fishery thereon, takes us back almost two centuries in the world's history. The root of the matter lies in the interpretation of the 13th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, 1713, and of a declaration of George III., dated 3rd September, 1783. By the former instrument it was agreed that the island of Newfoundland should thenceforward belong of right wholly to Great Britain, but that | salmon fishery; whilst the British govthe subjects of France should be al- ernment have always maintained that lowed to catch fish and dry them on the French have no right to the fishland on a part of the coast duly speci- eries in rivers. fied. The latter instrument declared During the last half century negotiathe intention of his Majesty, King tions have been almost uninterruptedly George III., carried on - commissions have been to take the most positive measures for pre-conferences have been held, agreeappointed, commissioners have met, venting his subjects from interrupting in any manner by their competition, the ments have been drafted, conventions fishery of the French during the temporary have been signed, many a modus exercise of it, which is granted to them vivendi has come into force and yet upon the coasts of the island of Newfound- the points in dispute remain as far land, and that he will cause the fixed set- from a settlement as ever. It would tlements which shall be formed there to be removed [and] give orders that the French fishermen be not incommoded in cutting wood necessary for the repair of their scaffolds, huts, and fishing vessels. be wearisome to recapitulate even a tithe of the history of these negotiations, which have almost invariably pursued an identical course. Whenever the governments of Great Britain Subsequent treaties have from time and France have been on the point of to time included references to this an amicable settlement, the governquestion, but not of such a nature as ment of Newfoundland have refused materially to affect the respective their assent to the proposed terms, and rights accruing under the Treaty of have dashed to the ground any hopes 1713, and the Declaration of 1783. of a permanent solution. The original Under them France claims an exclusive right of fishery upon the Treaty Shore, and that all British fixed settlements of whatever nature on that portion of the coast are contrary to treaty. Great Britain, on the other hand, has maintained that British subjects have a right to fish concurrently with the French, so long as they do not interrupt the latter, and that the undertaking in the Declaration of 1783 to cause the removal of fixed settlements, referred only to fixed fishing settlements, and that fixed settlements of any other kind are not contrary to the Declara tion. Such being the opposing contentions of the two powers, it is not to be wondered at that practical difficulties should have occurred between their respective subjects on the spot. The inhabitants of Newfoundland have been desirous of developing the resources of their country as regards mines, agriculture, and other industries; but have been met by the objections of France. French fishermen have been in the habit of fishing the rivers, and of barring them with nets, and thereby causing great injury to the points in dispute have been complicated by the discovery and the development of the industry of the lobster fishery, which has necessitated the erection of permanent buildings upon the shore. Eventually an agreement was arrived at between the British and French governments, and signed on the 11th March, 1891, constituting an arbitration tribunal for the purpose of deciding, in the first place, whether lobsters are fish within the meaning of the Treaty of Utrecht, and subsequently, after the solution of this important question of natural history and international law, of deciding other subsidiary questions relative to the fisheries on the Treaty Shore of Newfoundland. That tribunal of arbitration has not yet met, and, read by the light of five years of subsequent history, the last clause of the agreement, "It shall meet as soon as possible," sounds somewhat ironical. The cause of the delay is due to the fact that the French Government have refused to ratify the agreement on the ground that they are not satisfied that the colonial government would adequately provide for the execution of the arbitration convention, and they wrongly, taken. When, however, that are not prepared to accept the legisla- is assured, there will be no further tive acts of the colony as a sufficient excuse for delay in referring the points guarantee for the execution of the con- in dispute to arbitration. vention. Lord Salisbury stoutly combated the right of France to concern herself with the methods by which the award of the arbitrators would be carried into effect. France is entitled to look to Great Britain for a fulfilment of her engagements, and when the time comes Great Britain will be prepared to take all such steps as may be necessary to discharge her obligations. The House of Commons passed a resolution in 1891, declaring its readiness to support the government in taking all necessary measures for carrying out the treaty liabilities of this country, and all the arrangements for arbitration made with the government of France in this matter. So the matter was left in 1891, and there it remains now. The contention of Lord Salisbury is incontrovertible. We are prepared to enforce whatever regulations, if any, may be imposed upon us by the arbitration award, but we are not prepared to have our acts of Parliament drafted by the French Foreign Office. A modus vivendi has been found, and has been renewed from year to year, under which fishing operations have been carried on upon the Treaty Shore during the last five or six years, but this state of things cannot continue forever. It is eminently desirable, in the interests of both countries, as well as in the interests of Newfoundland, that this sore should be healed. The means whereby a solution may be arrived at have been agreed upon, and the whole matter only awaits the ratification of the French Legislature to be in a fair way towards a final settlement. The financial breakdown of the colony must, however, retard for the present any further progress. Until the future position of Newfoundland, either as a crown colony or as an integral part of the Dominion of Canada is determined upon and carried into execution, there is little chance of an alteration in the position which France has, as we think CONCLUSION. HAVING Sketched in outline some of the chief topics of controversy between ourselves and our nearest neighbors, it only remains, in conclusion, to add that there is no reason to apprehend any but an amicable solution to each and all of these questions. During the last four or five years, however, we have become conscious of the growth of an irritable and unpleasant feeling in France towards ourselves, although we have been, and still are, wholly unconscious of its cause. No such feeling is at present reciprocated from this side of the Channel. In some respects we have exhibited the most careful consideration and the most scrupulous regard for the policy and aims of French governments. In Siam, for instance, where our trade interests were very directly and injuriously affected by the events of the summer of 1893, we placed no impediment in the path of French requirements or demands. The blue-book teems with despatches from Lord Rosebery to the Siamese government urging moderation, and counselling the acceptance of the French terms. In Madagascar, again, it would not have been difficult to throw ob stacles in the way of France, and to have created for her some diplomatic entanglements; but, so far as we were concerned, she has had a free hand; she has been at liberty to go to work in her own way, while we have held our peace, and abstained from all comment, though to some of us this abstinence has been almost exasperating. All that we ask in return is that she will approach the questions which still divide us in a reasonable and friendly spirit, with a sincere desire for a settlement, an appreciation of our position and difficulties as well as of her own, and a recognition that, as one of the oldest and most successful colonizing nations of the world, we have certain rights in Africa, in Asia, and in America, which no British government | antly enough for us juniors in the milcould surrender, and by which the itary world, there was an undercurrent British people are determined to stand. of uneasiness among the Castle authorJAMES W. LOWTHER. ities and the army staff. The Fenian conspiracy had developed itself, and it was not known how far it had really spread among the people. The American Civil War was not long finished, and many desperadoes, with practical military training, had been turned. loose upon the world. Many of these were ill-disposed Irishmen, who were From Blackwood's Magazine. IN 186- the 200th lay in the Liffey Barracks in Dublin. I believe these old quarters have been pretty well re-ready to join any rebellious outbreak, built now, and I dare say I should not and to give the benefit of their experiknow the place again. When we were ence as leaders to their countrymen there it was before the days of sanita- who belonged to the organization and tion, and though we had a fine lot of were said to be ready to rise. There men, there were always a number of were whisperings of midnight drills, sick. The mist used to roll up from of collections of arms, and of prethe river, and carried with it a most concerted signals which should set appalling smell. The barrack-rooms the country in a blaze from one end were crowded in the old-fashioned way, to the other. But if uneasiness was the drains had been made fifty years felt, energetic action was not wantbefore, and I fancy the water-supply ing. If any two Irishmen conspire, was about as bad as it could be. The there is always at least one of them word typhoid was not known then, but ready to sell information about the undoubtedly we had a very familiar ac- plot to the government, and this time quaintance with the article. Several was to be no exception to the general of our men found a last resting-place rule. We were electrified one morning in the cemetery, and young Devereux and Milton lay at the point of death for weeks. If it had not been for the devotion and fatherly care of old Mac-ham jail. A few days later it was the pherson, our surgeon, they would never have sat at the mess-table again. by hearing that the Fenian head-centre Wilkins and others had been suddenly arrested and safely lodged in Kilmain turn of the military authorities to show that they were not to be caught napBut those who were not sick had a ping, and some gentlemen, who had Ideal of fun. Cars and cabs were rat-intended to make a demonstration in a tling along the stinking old quays pretty southern county, found to their disgust constantly between the barracks and an infantry detachment strolling on the the fashionable part of the town. same ground as themselves, which was There was yachting at Kingstown, hard-hearted enough to fire upon them cricket in the Phoenix, and no end of and show them that rebellion was not garden-parties and cheery gatherings such a simple matter as they had exof sorts in the town and country. The pected. In Dublin we had extra colonel, too, was not a man to let the pickets ready to act by night and day, reputation of the regiment in the field and if any of the scoundrels there had suffer at his hands, and when his made up their minds to break out, they bucketing field-days were added to the would have received "what for" in a weekly brigade and divisional parades, very peremptory and effective manner. the captains of troops found their souls To most of us, however, all this was exercised within them at the way in only a pleasant element of excitement which the old troop-horses lost flesh in our lives, and beyond the additional and began to show the "poor man's duties and the undeniable hardship of mark" on their quarters. having to go on picket in the early But while life was going on pleas- morning after dancing at some party |
