borne, whose names alone are national trophies, is Massachusetts now vowed irrevocably to this work. What belongs to the faithful servant she will do in all things, and Providence shall determine the result.-Hon. Chas. Sumner, 1856. KANSAS AND SOUTH CAROLINA COMPARED. THE Senator from South Carolina overflows with rage at the simple suggestion that Kansas had applied for admission as a State; and with incoherent phrases discharges the loose expectoration of his speech, now upon her representative, and then upon her people. But it is against the people of Kansas that the sensibilities of the Senator are particularly aroused. Coming as he announces, "from a State"-ay, sir, from South Carolina-he turns with lordly disgust from this newly formed community, which he will not recognize even as "a body politic." Pray, sir, by what title does he indulge in this egotism? Has he read the history of "the State" which he represents? Hé cannot surely have forgotten its shameful imbecility from slavery, confessed throughout the revolution, followed by its more shameful assumptions for slavery since. He cannot have forgotten its Constitution, which is republican only in name, confirming power in the hands of the few, and founding the qualifications of its legislators on "a settled freehold estate and ten negroes." And yet the Senator to whom that "State" has in part committed the guardianship of its good name, instead of moving, with backward treading steps, to cover its nakedness, rushes forward in the very ecstasy of madness to expose it by provoking a comparison with KanSouth Carolina is old; Kansas is young. South Carolina counts by centuries, where Kansas counts by years. But a beneficent example may be born in a day; and I venture to say, that against the two centuries of the older "State," may be already set the two years of trial, evolving corresponding virtue, in the younger community. In the one is the long wail of slavery; in the other the hymns of freedom. And if we glance at special achievments, it will be difficult to find anything in the history of South Carolina which presents so much of heroic spirit in an heroic cause as appears in that repulse of the Missouri invaders by the beleaguered town of Lawrence, where even the women gave their effective efforts to freedom. The matrons of Rome, who poured their jewels into the treasury for the public de sas. fence the wives of Prussia, who, with delicate fingers, clothed their defenders against French invasion-the mothers of our own Revolution, who sent forth their sons, covered over with prayers and blessings, to combat for human rights, did nothing of self-sacrifice truer than did these women on this occasion. Were the whole history of South Carolina blotted out of existence, from its very beginning down to the day of the last election of the Senator to his present seat on this floor, civilization might lose-I do not say how little, but surely less than it has already gained by the example of Kansas, in its valiant struggle against oppression, and in the development of a new science of emigration. Already in Lawrence alone there are newspapers and schools, including a high school, and throughout this infant Territory, there is more mature scholarship far, in proportion to its inhabitants, than in all South Carolina. Ah, sir, I tell the Senator that Kansas, welcomed as a free State, will be a "ministering angel to the Republic, when South Carolina, in the cloak of darkness which she hugs, "lies howling." Hon. Chas. Sumner, 1856. AN APPEAL FOR KANSAS. SIR, the people of Kansas, bone of your bone and flesh of your flesh, with the education of freemen and the rights of American citizens, now stand at your door. Will you send them away or bid them enter? Will you push them back to renew their struggles with a deadly foe, or will you preserve them in security and peace? Will you cast them again into the den of tyranny, or will you help their despairing efforts to escape? These questions I put with no common solicitude, for I feel that on their just determination depend all the most precious interests of the Republic; and I perceive too clearly the prejudices in the way and the accumulating bitterness against this distant people, now claiming their simple birthright, while I am bowed with mortification as I recognize the President of the United States, who should have been a staff to the weak and a shield to the innocent, at the head of this strange oppression. In this contest, Kansas bravely stands forth-the stripling leader, clad in the panoply of American institutions. In calmly meeting and adopting a frame of government, her people have with intuitive promptitude performed the duties of freemen; and when I consider the difficulties by which she was beset, I find dignity in her attitude. In offering herself for admission into the Union as a FREE STATE, she presents a single issue for the people to decide. And since the slave power now stakes on this issue all its ill-gotten supremacy, the people, while vindicating Kansas, will at the same time overthrow this tyranny. Thus does the contest which she now begins involve not only liberty for herself, but for the whole country. God be praised that she did not bend ignobly beneath the yoke! Far away on the prairies she is now battling for the liberty of all, against the President, who misrepresents all. Everywhere among those who are not insensible to right, the generous struggle meets a generous ré sponse. In all this sympathy there is strength. But in the cause itself there is angelic power. Unseen of men, the great spirits of history combat by the side of the people of Kansas, breathing a divine courage. Above all towers the majestic form of Washington once more, as on the bloody field, bidding them to remember those rights of human nature for which the War of Independence was waged. Such a cause, thus sustained, is invincible. The contest which, beginning in Kansas, has reached us, will soon be transferred from Congress to a broader stage, where every citizen will be not only spectator but actor; and to their judgment I confidently appeal. To the people, now on the eve of exercising the electoral franchise, in choosing a Chief Magistrate of the Republic, I appeal, to vindicate the electoral franchise in Kansas. Let the ballot-box of the Union, with multitudinous might, protect the ballot-box in that Territory. Let the voters everywhere, while rejoicing in their own rights, help to guard the equal rights of distant fellow-citizens; that the shrines of popular institutions, now desecrated, may be sanctified anew; that the ballot-box now plundered, may be restored; and that the cry, "I am an American citizen," may not be sent forth in vain against outrage of every kind. In just regard for free labor in that Territory, which it is sought to blast by unwelcome association with slave labor; in Christian sympathy with the slave, whom it is proposed to task and sell there; in stern condemnation of the crime which has been consummated on that beautiful soil; in rescue of fellow-citizens, now subjugated to a tyrannical usurpation; in dutiful respect for the early fathers, whose inspirations are now ignobly thwarted; in the name of the Constitution, which has been outraged—of the laws trampled down-of justice banished-of humanity degraded-of peace destroyed-of freedom crushed to earth; and in the name of the Heavenly Father, whose service is perfect freedom, I make this last appeal. Hon. Chas. Sumner, 1856. MASSACHUSETTS AND HER CHILDREN. I. To Massachusetts, mother of us all-great in resources, great in children-I now pledge my devotion. Never before did she inspire equal pride and affection. My filial love does not claim too much when it exhibits her as approaching the pattern of a Christian commonwealth, which, according to that great English republican, John Milton, ought to be but as one huge Christian personality, one mighty growth and stature of an honest man, as big and compact in virtue as in body. Not through any worldly triumph-not through the vaults of State Street-the spindles of Lowell-or even the learned endowments of Cambridge, is Massachusetts thus; but because, seeking to extend the benign influence of civilization, which she cultivates at home, she stands forth the faithful, unseduced supporter of human nature. Wealth has its splendor, and the intellect has its glory. But there is a grandeur in such a service which is above even the regard of good men, and will have the immortal life of history. For this she has also the reproach and contumely which throughout all ages have been poured on those who have striven for justice on earth. Not now for the first time in human struggles has truth, when most dishonored, seemed most radiant in gathering glory, even out of obloquy. When Sir Henry Vane, courageous champion of the English commonwealth, was dragged on a hurdle up the Tower Hill, to suffer death by the axe, one of the multitude cried out to him, "You never sat on so glorious a seat;" and again, when Russell was exposed in the same streets, on the way to the same scaffold, the people, according to the simple narrative of his biographer, imagined they saw Liberty and Virtue sitting by his side. Massachusetts is not without encouragement in her own history. She has seen her ports closed by an arbitrary power-has seen her name made a by-word of reproach -has seen her cherished leaders, Hancock and Adams, excepted from all pardon by the crown; but then, when most dishonored, did Massachusetts deserve most-then was she doing most for the cause of us all; and now, when Massa chusetts is engaged in a greater cause than that of our fathers, how serenely can she turn from the scoff and jest of heartless men. Her only disgrace will be in the disloyalty to the truth which is to make her free. Worse! oh, far worse than the evil speaking of others, is the conduct of some of her own children. It is hard to see the scholarship which has been drawn from her cisterns, and the riches which have been accumulated under her hospitable shelter, now employed to weaken and discredit the cause which is above riches or scholarship. It is hard, while our fellow-citizens in Kansas, bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, plead for a deliverance from a cruel usurpation, and while the whole country, including our own soil, is trodden down by a domineering and brutal despotism, to behold the sons of Massachusetts in sympathy, open or disguised, with the vulgar enemy; quick. ening everywhere the lash of the task-master, and helping forward the Satanic carnival, when slavery shall be fastened, not only upon prostrate Kansas, but upon all the territories of the Republic; when Cuba shall be torn from a friendly power by dishonest force, and when the slave trade itself, with all its crime, its woe and its shame, shall be opened anew under the American flag. With such I have no word of controversy at this hour; but turning from them now in my weakness, I trust not to seem too severe if I covet for the occasion something of the divine power: To bend the silver bow with tender skill, II. Gladly from these do I turn to another character, yet happily spared to Massachusetts, whose heart beats strong with the best blood of the Revolution, and with the best senti ments by which that blood was enriched-the only child of one of the authors of American liberty-for many years the able and courageous representative of Boston on the floor of Congress, where his speeches were the masterpieces of the time. Distinguished throughout a long career by the grateful trust of his fellow citizens-happy in all the possessions of a well-spent life, and surrounded by love, honor, obedience, troops of friends-with an old age which is second youth-Josiah Quincy, still erect under the burden of eightyfour winters, puts himself before us. In the ardor of youth, or the maturity of manhood, did he show himself so grandly conspicuous, and add so much to the heroic wealth of his |