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ever slight, and accompanied with faction and intestine treachery; these on one hand would be found mere childish folly and weakness, when set in opposition against wisdom, public spirit, union inviolable, and fidelity on the other; allowing both a sufficient length of years to try their force. Add the general influence, which such a kingdom would have over the face of the earth, by way of example particularly, and the reverence which would be paid it. It would plainly be superior to all others, and the world must gradually come under its empire; not by means of lawless violence, but partly by what must be allowed to be just conquest, and partly by other kingdoms submitting themselves voluntarily to it, throughout a course of ages, and claiming its protection, one after another, in successive exigencies. The head of it would be an universal monarch, in another sense than any mortal has yet been; and the eastern style would be literally applicable to him, that all people, nations, and languages should serve him. And though indeed our knowledge of human nature, and the whole history of mankind, show the impossibility, without some miraculous interposition, that a number of men here on earth should unite in one society or government, in the fear of God and universal practice of virtue, and that such a government should continue so united for a succession of ages; yet admitting or supposing this, the effect would be as now drawn out. And thus, for instance, the wonderful power and prosperity promised to the Jewish nation in the Scripture would be in a great measure the consequence of what is predicted of them, that the people should be all righteous, and inherit the land for ever1; were we to understand the latter phrase of a long continuance, only sufficient to give things time to work. The predictions of this kind, for there are many of them, cannot come to pass, in the present known course of nature; but suppose them come to pass, and then the dominion and pre-eminence promised must naturally follow, to a very considerable degree.

Consider now the general system of religion: that the government of the world is uniform, and one, and moral; that virtue and right shall finally have the advantage, and prevail over fraud and lawless force, over the deceits as well as the violence of wickedness, under the conduct of one

1 Isa. lx. 21.

supreme governor; and from the observations above made, it will appear, that God has, by our reason, given us to see a peculiar connection in the several parts of this scheme. and a tendency towards the completion of it, arising out of the very nature of virtue which tendency is to be considered as somewhat moral in the essential constitution of things. If any one should think all this to be of little importance, I desire him to consider, what he would think if vice had essentially and in its nature these advantageous tendencies, or if virtue had essentially the direct contrary

ones.

But it may be objected, that notwithstanding all these natural effects and these natural tendencies of virtue, yet things may be now going on throughout the universe, and may go on hereafter, in the same mixed way as here at present upon earth: virtue sometimes prosperous, sometimes depressed; vice sometimes punished, sometimes successful. The answer to which is, that it is not the purpose of this chapter, nor of this treatise, properly to prove God's perfect moral government over the world, or the truth of Religion; but to observe what there is in the constitution and course of nature to confirm the proper proof of it, supposed to be known; and that the weight of the foregoing observations to this purpose may be thus distinctly proved. Pleasure and pain are indeed to a certain degree, say to a very high degree, distributed amongst us without any apparent regard to the merit or demerit of characters. And were there nothing else concerning this matter discernible in the constitution and course of nature, there would be no ground from the constitution and course of nature to hope or to fear, that men would be rewarded or punished hereafter according to their deserts; which, however, it is to be remarked, implies, that even then there would be no ground from appearances to think, that vice upon the whole would have the advantage, rather than that virtue would. And thus the proof of a future state of retribution would rest upon the usual known arguments for it, which are I think plainly unanswerable; and would be so, though there were no additional confirmation of them from the things above insisted on. But these things are a very strong confirmation of them. For,

First. They show that the Author of Nature is not indiffer

ent to virtue and vice. They amount to a declaration, from him, determinate, and not to be evaded, in favour of one, and against the other; such a declaration, as there is nothing to be set over against or answer, on the part of vice. So that were a man, laying aside the proper proof of Religion, to determine from the course of nature only, whether it were most probable, that the righteous or the wicked would have the advantage in a future life, there can be no doubt but that he would determine the probability to be, that the former would. The course of nature then, in the view of it now given, furnishes us with a real practical proof of the obligations of Religion.

Secondly. When, conformably to what Religion teaches us, God shall reward and punish virtue and vice as such, so as that every one shall, upon the whole, have his deserts; this distributive justice will not be a thing different in kind, but only in degree, from what we experience in his present government. It will be that in effect toward which we now see a tendency. It will be no more than the completion of that moral government, the principles and beginning of which have been shown, beyond all dispute, discernible in the present constitution and course of nature. And from hence it follows,

Thirdly. That, as under the natural government of God, our experience of those kinds and degrees of happiness and misery, which we do experience at present, gives just ground to hope for, and to fear, higher degrees and other kinds of both in a future state, supposing a future state admitted: so under his moral government our experience, that virtue and vice are, in the manners above mentioned, actually rewarded and punished at present, in a certain degree, gives just ground to hope and to fear, that they may be rewarded and punished in a higher degree hereafter. It is acknowledged indeed that this alone is not sufficient ground to think, that they actually will be rewarded and punished in a higher degree, rather than in a lower; but then,

Lastly. There is sufficient ground to think so, from the good and bad tendencies of virtue and vice. For these tendencies are essential, and founded in the nature of things; whereas the hindrances to their becoming effect are, in numberless cases, not necessary, but artificial only.

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Now it may be much more strongly argued, that these tendencies, as well as the actual rewards and punishments, of virtue and vice, which arise directly out of the nature of things, will remain hereafter, than that the accidental hindrances of them will. And if these hindrances do not remain, those rewards and punishments cannot but be carried on much farther towards the perfection of moral government; i. e., the tendencies of virtue and vice will become effect: but when, or where, or in what particular way, cannot be known at all but by revelation.

Upon the whole, there is a kind of moral government implied in God's natural government1; virtue and vice are naturally rewarded and punished as beneficial and mischievous to society, and rewarded and punished directly as virtue and vice". The notion, then, of a moral scheme of government is not fictitious, but natural; for it is sug gested to our thoughts by the constitution and course of nature; and the execution of this scheme is actually begun in the instances here mentioned; and these things are to be considered as a declaration of the Author of Nature, for virtue, and against vice; they give a credibility to the supposition of their being rewarded and punished hereafter, and also ground to hope and to fear that they may be rewarded and punished in higher degrees than they are here*, and as all this is confirmed, so the argument for religion from the constitution and course of nature is carried on farther, by observing that there are natural tendencies, and, in innumerable cases, only artificial hindrances, to this moral scheme's being carried on much farther towards perfection than it is at present. The notion, then, of a moral scheme of government, much more perfect than what is seen, is not a fictitious, but a natural notion; for it is suggested to our thoughts by the essential tendencies of virtue and vice; and these tendencies are to be considered as intimations, as implicit promises and threatenings from the Author of Nature of much greater rewards and punishments 1 P. 113. 3 P. 115, &c.

2 P. 114.

* Butler concludes, not only that "the notion of a moral scheme of government is not fictitious but natural," but also that "the notion of a moral scheme far more perfect than what we see realized here is not fictitious, but natural; that is, it is in strict accordance with the constitution and course of nature, as it presents itself to our sight."-Ed.

5 P. 121, &c.

to follow virtue and vice than do at present; and indeed every natural tendency which is to continue, but which is hindered from becoming effect by only accidental causes, affords a presumption that such tendency will some time or other become effect, a presumption in degree proportionable to the length of the duration through which such tendency will continue; and from these things together arises a real presumption that the moral scheme of government established in nature shall be carried on much farther towards perfection hereafter, and, I think, a presumption that it will be absolutely completed. But from these things, joined with the moral nature which God has given us, considered as given us by him, arises a practical proof that it will be completed; a proof from fact; and therefore a distinct one from that which is deduced from the eternal and unalterable relations, the fitness and unfitness of actions 2.

CHAPTER IV 3.

OF A STATE OF PROBATION, AS IMPLYING TRIAL, DIFFICULTIES, AND DANGER.

THE general doctrine of religion, that our present life is a state of probation for a future one, comprehends under it several particular things distinct from each other. But the first and most common meaning of it seems to be, that our future interest is now depending, and depending upon our

1 See this proof drawn out briefly, Chap. vi.-Ed.

2 Throughout the present work, Butler has considered only the moral difference, by which virtue and vice, as such, are approved and disapproved. Dr. S. Clarke has demonstrated, in his sermons at Boyle's lecture, that there are essential differences in the qualities of human actions established in nature; and that this natural difference of things, prior to and independent of all will, creates a natural fitness in the agent to act agreeably to it. It is obvious that the introduction of this principle would materially confirm Bishop Butler's argument.—(H.)

3 Though religious probation means, generally, the same thing as God's moral government (for both imply temptations, whence arise those difficulties and dangers which belong to probation, and without which there could be no possibility of vice nor ground for rewards and punishments in moral government), yet there is this difference, that the word "probation" expresses, more distinctly than the words "moral government," a state of trial; i. e., of difficulties and dangers through temptations. Probation then, in this sense, may require to be more particularly considered.-(W.)

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