and was in use at the death of other kings. The order of it was this: All the fathers or senators, who at the first were an hundred, parted themselves into tens or decuries, and governed successively by the space of five days, one decury after another in order; yet so, that the lictors or virgers, carrying the fasces or bundles of rods and axes, waited only upon the chief of them with these ensigns of power. This custom was retained in time of the consuls; and put in use, when by death or any casualty, there wanted ordinary magistrates of the old year, to substitute new for the year following. The advantage of the fathers herein was, that if the election were not like to go as they would have it, there needed no more than to slip five days, and then all to begin anew; by which interruption the heat of the multitude was commonly well assuaged. Upon such change of those that were presidents of the election, it was also lawful unto new petitioners to sue for the magistracies that lay void, which otherwise was not allowed; but a time limited, wherein they should publicly declare themselves to seek those offices. But no device would serve against the general favour borne unto Terentius. One interregnum passed over; and the malice of the fathers, against the virtue (as it was believed) of this mean but worthy man, seemed so manifest, that when the people had urged the business to dispatch, only Terentius was chosen consul; in whose hand it was left to hold the election of his colleague. Hereupon all the former petitioners gave over. For whereas men of ordinary mark had stood for the place before, it was now thought meet, that both to supply the defect, and to bridle the violence of this unexpert and hot-headed man, one of great sufficiency and reputation should be joined with him, as both companion and opposite. So L. Æmilius Paulus, he who a few years since had overcome the Illyrians, and chaced Demetrius PhaVOL. V.

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rius out of his kingdom, was urged by the nobility to stand for the place; which he easily obtained, having no competitor. It was not the desire of this honorable man to trouble himself any more in such great business of the commonwealth. For notwithstanding his late good service, he and M. Livius, that had been his companion in office, were afterwards injuriously vexed by the people, and called unto judgment; wherein Livius was condemned, and Æmilius hardly escaped. But of this injustice they shall put the Romans well in mind each of them in his second consulship, wherein they shall honourably approve their worth; the one of them nobly dying in the most grievous loss; the other bravely winning in the most happy victory that ever befel that commonwealth.

These new consuls, Varro and Paulus, omitted no part of their diligence in preparing for the war ; wherein though Varro made the greater noise, by telling what wonders he would work, and that he would ask no more than once to have a sight of Hannibal, whom he promised to vanquish the very first day; yet the providence and care of Paulus travelled more earnestly towards the accomplishment of that, whereof his fellow vainly boasted. He wrote unto the two old consuls, Servilius and Attilius, desiring them to abstain from hazard of the main chance; but nevertheless to ply the Carthaginians with daily skirmish, and weaken them by degrees; that when he and his colleague should take the field, with the great army which they were now levying, they might find the four old legions well accustomed to the enemy, and the enemy well weakened to their hands. He was also very strict in his musters; wherein the whole senate assisted him so carefully, as if in this action they meant to refute the slanders with which Terentius and his adherents had burdened them. What number of men they raised is uncertain. Fourscore

thousand foot at least, and six thousand horse, they were strong in the field, when the day came, which Varro had so greatly desired, of looking upon Hannibal.

Hiero, the old king of Syracuse, as he had reliev ed the Carthaginians when they were distressed by their own mercenaries; so did he now send help to Rome, a thousand archers and slingers, with great quantity of wheat, barley, and other provisions; fearing nothing more, than that one of these two mighty cities should destroy the other; whereby his own estate would fall to ruin, that stood upright by having them somewhat even balanced. He gave them also counsel to send forces into Africa; if, perhaps, by that means they might divert the war from home. His gifts and good advice were lovingly accepted; and instructions were given to Titus Octacilius the prætor, who was to go into Sicily, that he should accordingly pass over into Africa, if he found it expedient.

The great levies which the Romans made at this time, do much more serve to declare their puissance than any, though larger, account by poll, of such as were not easily drawn into the field, and fitted for service. For, besides these armies of the consuls, and that which went into Sicily, twenty-five thousand with L. Posthumius Albanus, another of the prætors, went against the Gauls, to reclaim that province, which the passage of Hannibal had taken from them. The contemplation of this their present strength might well embolden them to do as they did. They sent embassadors to Philip, the son of Demetrius, king of Macedon, requiring him to deliver into their hands Demetrius Pharius; who having been their subject and rebel, was fled into his kingdom. They also sent to the Illyrians to demand their tribute, whereof the day of payment was already past. What answer they received it is not known;

only this is known, that Demetrius Pharius was not sent unto them, and that Philip henceforth began to have an eye upon them little to their good. As for the Illyrian money, by the shifts that they were driven soon after to make, it will appear, that the one nalf of it (how little soever) would have been welcome to Rome, and accepted without any cavil about forfeiture for non-payment of the whole.

Whilst the city was busied in these cares, the old consuls lay as near unto Hannibal as possibly they could, without incurring the necessity of a battle: many skirmishes they had with him, wherein their success for the most part was rather good than great. Yet one mischance not only blemished the honour of their other services, but was indeed the occasion to draw on the misery following. Hannibal for the most part of that time, made his abode at Geryon, where lay all his store for the winter. The Romans, to be near him, lodged about Cannusium; and, that they might not be driven to turn aside for all neces saries, to the loss of good opportunities, they be stowed much of their provisions in the castle of Cannæ; for the town was razed the year before. This place Hannibal won; and thereby not only furnished himself, but compelled his enemies to want many needful things, unless they would be troubled with far carriage. Besides this, and more to his advantage, he enabled himself to abide in that open country, fit for the service of his horse, longer than the Romans, having so many mouths to feed, could well endure to tarry, without offering battle, which he most desired. Of this mishap, when Servilius had informed the senate, letting them understand how this piece, taken by Hannibal, would serve him to command no small part of the country adjacent; it then seemed needful, even unto the fathers themselves, to adventure a battle with the Carthaginian, rather than suffer him thus to take root in the ground

of Italy. Nevertheless, answer was returned unto Servilius, that he should have patience yet a while; for that the consuls would shortly be there, with a power sufficient to do as need required.

When all things were ready in the city, and the season of the year commodious to take the field, the two consuls, with their army, set forth against Hannibal. This was always done with great solemnity; especially whensoever they went forth to war against any noble or redoubted enemy. For sacrifices and solemn vows were made unto Jupiter, and the rest of their gods, for good success and victory; which being performed, the generals, in warlike attire, with an honourable train of the principal men, not only such as were of their kindred and alliance, or followed them to the war as volunteers for love, but a great number of others that meant to abide at home, were accompanied on their way, and dismissed with friendly leave-taking and good wishes. At this time all the fathers, and the whole nobility, waited upon Æmilius Paulus, as the only man whom they thought either worthy of this honour, or likely to do his country remarkable service. Terentius's attendants were the whole multitude of the poorer citizens; a troop no less in greatness than the other was in dignity. At the parting, Fabius, the late dictator, is said to have exhorted the consul Paulus, with many grave words, to shew his magnanimity, not only in dealing with the Carthaginians, but (which he thought harder) in bridling the outrageous folly of his fellow consul. The answer of Paulus was, that he meant not again to run into danger of condemnation, by of fending the multitude; that he would do his best for his country; but if he saw his best were likely to be ill taken, he would think it less rashness to adventure upon the enemies sword, than upon the malice of his own citizens.