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caped my observation, and requested me to open it. Had we been suddenly transported by the magic carpet to fairy ground, our delight could scarcely have been exceeded, such a contrast did it afford to the flinty sides of the mountain, crested by her little colony. We found ourselves in a garden of great comparative extent, and artistically planned; formed of mould brought from a distance at great labor and expense. The designs were all her own. She stopped at a tent which she advised Bartlett to sketch; it was trellis-work covered with odoriferous flowers, and within a luxurious divan. She now led us through a long rustic arbor to a stately summer-house which she dwelt on with evident pride; the vistas, terraces and fountains, all were tasteful and original. From the garden she pointed out the tour she wished us to take on the morrow, offering the unqualified freedom of her house "to go and come, or make our home at, and no botheration if we wished to be private."

She asked who had been my travelling companions. The name of a distinguished Scotch family was mentioned. She interrupted with warmth, "I'll warrant he is the flower of the flock."

Travellers seldom see her by daylight. She usually sits with her visiters from six in the evening till two in the morning.

This evening we were as thick as pickpockets. She gave reminiscences of her early history, savoring somewhat of the marvellous :

"She was born to be a warrior. She had always detested England, and was determined to leave it at eight years of age. About that time was her first attempt to run away. She got on board a boat, which, when her parents got wind of, was pursued by fifty others; when overtaken, she jumped into the water and was taken out by two oars crossed catching her neck like a pair of scissors. A short time afterwards she climbed up into an old tower, where her only amusement was a number of little pewter soldiers, whom she carried through evolutions. Hunger obliged her to descend after two days."

As a narrator she is inimitable, and always her own heroine :

formed some meritorious exploit, and when asked what reward he wished, his only demand was that Mr. Pitt should dine on board of his vessel. All things were arranged, but the King sent for Mr. Pitt at the very moment he was going to him.' Thus it was that I got into such dine; my uncle asked me to represent company, for except the lords and ladies I contrived to take with me, all present were cits. Before eating they appeared very sensible men, but when that operation commenced, the exhibition was so novel that I did not eat myself from amazement. One man near me eat a quantity of turtle soup, which would have sufficed for a dinner for four men. He unbuttoned his coat, then his waistcoat; he had two spoons, which he kept agoing with the exactness and rapidity of machinery. Then came venison. An account of what he eat would be perfectly incredi

ble. Under the table he had two bottles of wine all to himself; he would lean down, put his mouth to the bottle, and guzzle for a minute at a time. He never looked off his plate, or spoke a word, or drank wine with anybody."

She gave ludicrous imitations with the vivacity of a girl. While sitting there was no appearance of debility.

She loved to ring the changes on her grandfather as the champion of America. She had no patience with Canning, he was artificial, deceitful and selfish; when out of office abusing those to Mr. Pitt with whom he agreed wonderfully when he came into the cabinet. Her father used to say that she thought more in five minutes than the rest of the world in five years. He had a library of fifty thousand that history was all trash and nonsense. volumes, which he locked up, saying "Now take, if you please, the history of Alexander. They say he was the son of Philip, when in fact he was the son of a priest of the temple of Jupiter. All his battles are fictions; a necessary consequence of his biographers being his own retainers and parasites. I am acquainted with history from a much better source.'

39

She never reads now, and seldom writes; her sight has suffered from illness. She stated her age at fiftyfive; perhaps my looks seemed to say, more or less, for she attempted to prove she was no older, by appealing to historical facts.

She had the plague for thirty-two

“A captain of a man-of-war had per- days. She described her sufferings by

541

you cannot deceive me, I knew your
disposition the moment I heard your
voice."

Lady Hester Stanhope.

1843.]

supposing a hook drawn up and down one's entrails. Very recently she had a fever, and lay for some days apparently dead. Her little black girl was the only one who had the courage to approach her; she opened her mistress's eyes with her fingers, and discovered life remaining. When recovered, she found that her domestics had made division of all her furniture, and carried a portion of it away. Of twenty pairs of sheets, only one and a half remained. It seems the holy brotherhood of bedlamites beset her from every quarter, by visits or letters, and some, too, who have method in their madness. A certain French astrologer is now an idle dependent at her winter residence, near Sidon. He proves from prophecy that he is to marry her; here, says he, is the very name in the Bible. They frequently quarrel about future There was another man came to see her; he could not be persuaded that he had not known and been attached to her all his life. Her servants repelling him by force, he took horse, put him to the run, and did not draw She did not bridle for eighteen hours. seem to relish our incredulity of this equestrian feat.

events.

Several parts of her wall and many of her buildings are in a tumble-down condition, said to be partly the effects of slight earthquakes; but the whole forms a picturesque coup-d'œil, animated by jovial parties of Albanians, in their snowy camese and silver mounted arms, either caroling their native airs through the neighboring woods, or seated at cards, or puffing the chibouck as if grouped by the hand of an artist.

Lady Hester had received all the Albanians who chose to seek her protection at the reduction of St. Jean d'Acre by Ibrahim Pacha. She merely supplied their wants, and frequently balanced the expediency of sending them home by ship from Beyroot, but they were happy to remain, and she to maintain them in silent treaty of mutual protection. Truly their lines had fallen to them in pleasant places, if we compare them with their filth-covered brethren at home.

Another man thought himself the Messiah, but after much study became convinced, and very happy was he to have even that station, that he was only to be a second or one of the chief ministers of the Messiah.

She repudiates, however, the idea of personal insecurity. She had passed the desert to Palmyra, mounted and armed as a warrior; the sons of Ishmael, so fatal to the traveller, gave her their unasked escort and hailed her Queen of Palmyra.

She professed to tell my character. "You are ambitious." True, was the reply; it was a weakness of youth that would yield to a few autumns. "Why subdue it ?-did God give it should you to you to subdue? No; but for some The blood of the great purpose. Koreish cannot be controlled." This conviction that the alluded to her Scotch and Koreish, the family of Mahomet, were of the same lineage, the details of which she promised on condition of my return from Greece, she would dictate, and permit me to publish it. She had previously been told of "Do you tell me my Scottish original. that by way of information; I knew it the moment I saw you, your oval cheek and high instep, are sure marks of the family. You have a warm temper," she continued. To a fault, "No, there is not a was the answer. particle of badness in your temper; it is just as warm as it ought to be,

Except the merchants of Beyroot, who have bought her protested drafts, all love her, Druses and Franks, Arabs and Maronites; even the cruelty and insolence of Ibrahim Pacha, though she bids him defiance by giving shelter to his enemies, has never dared to invade the sanctity which oriental superstition attaches to an unsettled brain, or to question the impunity which Syrian usage accords to a female.

She resorted to every art to induce us to stay; she had her horse to show us, on condition we stayed one day longer, but our party had been doing penance some days at Beyroot.

Adieus exchanged-with allusion to the grand gathering. We found Antonio gloating over the bottles of wine, cheese and choice fruits with which her servants were storing our baggagemule; with the resolution of martyrs, they rejected our proffered piastres, but with a casuistry not peculiar to Syria, each one unseen by his fellows, suffered 'quelque compliments' to be slid into his pockets with ill-disguised satisfaction.

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THE ISSUE AT STAKE.

THERE is at least one satisfaction in the present position of our national politics, for which, in its contrast with the state of things existing at the time of the last great contest of parties, we are duly grateful, whatever may be the result yet veiled within the bosom of the future. We refer to the distinctness of the general issue on which we are about to go to trial-to go before "the country," in the good old phrase of the institution of the Jury. We have at least that light of open day for which the Grecian hero prayed. We have a fair field, and we ask no favor. All that we have to do, and do it we will, is our duty there; nor fear to trust the event to that higher and better wisdom than human forethought, of whose purposes all of us, with all our infinite variety of purposes and points of departure, are but the unconscious instruments. "Fais ce que dois, advienne que pourra!" is the noble motto of a noble house, which be it also ours to adopt and obey; and whether we return with our shields or upon them, from the great battle of the day whose dawn now illumines the plain, let us at least secure the consolation of the French King at Pavia, and preserve our honor, even if nothing else.

Away with all simulations or dissimulations in this matter! With full due respect for the prudential counsels of those friends who have deemed the tone of our last article, on "the Baltimore Convention," unwisely discouraging to our friends and cheering to our foes, we shall still speak out to both, with small care for small consequences, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth-or at least what we honestly believe to be such. If we think that we-that is, our Party and our Principles-are in a position of very momentous peril, we shall still beg, or rather take leave, to say so; and to say so in such frank fashion of phrase as shall seem most direct and effective for the object we have in view, namely to dispel the danger by disclosing it, in the Irish baronet's

style, to get out of its way by meeting it straight in the face.

There is indeed no doubt that the Democratic Cause is in this position. All the further developments of evidence since those on which we before urged the point combine to confirm it. Great efforts-perhaps great sacrifices

are necessary for its safety; and as it is for so great an object, surely there can none be found among us so unworthy of all their professions of principle as to be unwilling to make themeven though some of those necessary sacrifices should prove to be of great men,-of them perchance, and perchance by them. The Whigs are in admirable condition for the coming engagement-in strong force, strongly organized-eager in hope, bold in confidence, zealous in enthusiasm-abounding in all the ways and means of preparation, and harmonized to the most efficient degree of combined and concentrated unity of action. This time four years ago we despised them as an enemy; it is now not to be dissembled that they are very seriously to be dreaded. To be dreaded, indeed-no one will suppose us to mean with any of that unmanly fear which shrinks from the shock of conflict, or is either paralyzed into inactivity or agitated into confusion-but with that intelligent and courageous appreciation of the whole impartial truth, which not underrates danger, but examines it coolly and closely, to derive from it only redoubled incentive to that energy in exertion, and that wise skill in preparation, indispensable to triumph over it.

For ourselves, on the other hand, it is not to be denied that we are this fall in a moral condition, as a party, entirely unfit for the formidable encounter now so nigh at hand. We are, comparatively, as the crew of the Chesapeake when she went into her ill-starred action with the Shannon-let us not disregard the warning of the example. The fatal influence of the dissensions now distracting us-dissensions about men and not about measures, about

persons and not about principles is written in characters unequivocal enough on the records of too many of the elections of the season. If these are not harmonized, and that thoroughly and soon-we may as well spare ourselves from the outset that fruitless struggle which will not have even hope to cheer it, and resign ourselves at once to that inevitable cup, of the mortification and grief of defeat, in whose bitter draught the worst ingredient will be the thought that it is by our own hands alone that it was drugged.

But our pen has led us somewhat aside from the line of thought we had designed to pursue in this Article. What it has written shall however stand, though we have to recall it from its wandering, to return to the point from which it started-which was the expression of a sincere satisfaction at the broad and open distinctness of the general issue about to be joined between the two great parties of the country. The false issues, the sectional duplicities of profession, the temporary excitements and delusions, which gave at once its character and direction to the election of 1840, no longer now mantle the country as in one vast cloud of mystification and midnight blindness. The Proteus who then could alternate with such bewildering variety through his countless resources of metamorphosis, stands up now confessed before our eyes in his own natural nakedness of form, and when once reduced at last to that point, if we are but true to ourselves, like the divinely taught shepherd boy of Tempe, we can have no difficulty in subduing him to our will. The cry of "CHANGE," which did the best, or rather the worst, part of the work of 1840, can no more be raisedthat magic horn has lost its power to set all who hear it awhirl in enchanted dance. If the people were tired of hearing Aristides always called "the Just," that passing impatience has fully exhausted itself, and they are ready enough to recall him with acclamation from his ostracism-provided he does not himself refuse to return. If they were tired of the long protracted ascendency of a party, even though it were their own-and were willing to indulge that deep-seated instinct of human nature which is ever eager for variety, by making experiment, for at least a single term, whether there was

really any relief to be found, in all the tempting promises and professions of the Whigs, from the maddening agonies resulting from a great national disease for which party was not responsiblethe trial has been made; and unless the Democratic party now justly forfeit, by their own misconduct, their own selfish and unpatriotic animosities, the old confidence to which the popular heart has reverted with renewed attachment, it will be long before they will be very anxious to make it again. If the Whigs could denounce the imputed greed of Democratic office-holders, and claim for themselves on that score a virtuous disinterestedness of patriotism which could not be disproved, however disbelieved, they can do so no longer, while the memory is yet unforgotten of those days when the earth fairly shook beneath the worn pavements of Pennsylvania Avenue, as the hungry legions of office-seekers shuffled along between the two white houses, to and fro-when they swarmed throughout Washington, not less numerous and more voracious than the locusts which were the last and worst plague of the land of Egypt-when the overtasked horses scarcely staggered on beneath the burthen of the mail-bags bursting with letters of application and entreaty-and when the still more overtasked old man whom in an evil hour for himself they had succeeded in making a President of, was driven at last into the only asylum safe from the unsparing persecution. This prejudice at least against the party to which time had before seemed to have given almost a life monopoly of public office, was exploded within the first thirty days of the reformed régime; and not a few Whigs, at the spectacle then exhibited by their own party, already then expressed the disgust of which it was less graceful for us, the defeated, to be the interpreters. If they could denounce the Debt forced upon the Administration by causes no fault of its own, its huge progressive augmentation on their own hands turns all these weapons back against their own breasts. The whoop and the war rifle are now silent through the everglades, and that wildest of "Wild Cats" is now comfortably domesticated beyond the Father of Waters. The once terrible Standing Army has vanished like the ghostly legions which are said still on dark nights to muster on the Champ de

Mars, to pass in review before the shadow of a little man in a grey surtout and three-cornered hat. The great Gold Spoon has been melted down, and is supposed to be flowing up the Mississippi. The Bankrupts, honest and dishonest, have been "relieved," and the moment the whole immorality of the act had been consummated in its retrospective application, the benefit which would have attended its prospective action was hastily shut off. And the fallacy has been fully proved, of all the expectations of a possible reconstruction of the ruin of the old Credit System, which was to be wrought in some inexplicable way by the proposed change of administration. Mr. Webster himself has set down a national bank as an "obsolete idea;" and even at the time when its adoption was urged on the Vice President, who signed all the other bills of his party, and who at first quarrelled with them only on trifling points of detail in this measure, it was very generally conceded that it would not have been possible to get its stock subscribed, so as to carry it into execution.

The issue between the two parties is now, therefore, cleared of all the entanglements and perplexities in which it was involved by these and various other questions which were complicated into it the last time. This election is to be, more than any which the country has witnessed for a long period, one of general principle. The State-Rights and the Federal parties-the two opposite schools of limited and latitudinarian construction-are now to meet in a more simple and direct antagonism than perhaps ever before since 1800. Of the one, Mr. Clay is as complete a representative as could be desired; the other finds its expression satisfactorily in either of the prominent candidates for the Democratic nomination. The country is in a condition of calm, suitable to an intelligent and reflecting choice between the two. If it should be in favor of Clay and all that is included in the name of Clayism, then can there be no pretension that it is not a deliberate and conclusive judgment, and that it does not go the full length of the formal adoption of a complete system of principles and corresponding measures an allegation which could not be made with truth, though it was by Mr. Clay himself without a visible

blush, respecting the election of Harrison and Tyler, the one a Nondescript and the other a Nullifier. If it should be in favor of Clay, then was it all in vain that the struggles were made which expelled both the elder and the younger Adams from the direction of the government,-all in vain that by which General Jackson, in his re-election, was so gloriously sustained in the policy of which his great Internal Improvement and Bank vetoes were the chief measures. If it should be in favor of Clay, then will the perpetuation of the Constitution, and of the Union of which it is the expression, have received a deeper and a deadlier wound than has ever been dealt upon it before.

For it will be the formal, not to say, final, repudiation of the State-Rights Principle as the governing rule of interpretation for the Constitution. It will be to pronounce solemnly that whole policy at an end; to declare the country tired of it, and anxious to fall back into the old abandoned track of its opposite. It will be that which the triumph of the Whigs in 1840 was not, for they did not then dare to venture on such an issue, nor to avow Clay as the exponent of their principles and meditated measures.

The day of such an event would be, indeed, the darkest that has ever yet shrouded the country with mourning for public calamity-for it is the firmest conviction among all our political ideas, that the State-Rights Principle is the vital principle of the Constitution and of the Union, and injury to the one cannot fail speedily to sap the foundations of the very existence of the other.

Why, look only at the fact disclosed by the six decennial censuses that have taken place since the adoption of the Constitution-namely, the increase of our population at the rate of upward of 33 per cent. within every period of ten years. What is there to arrest or to retard this ratio? Nothing, so long as, not only within the borders of the older States are to be found large tracts of unoccupied land, but westward, southward, and northward, stretch such vast regions inviting the subjugation of the settler. The time is yet too far remote at which the crowding of population within territorial limits, accompa nied by a Malthusian pressure of num bers upon the means of subsistence, can be felt among us, to check the rapi

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