The poet Vida defcribes the laft groan of our Saviour, in these words : HISTORY OF CANADA. [Continued.] During the year 1694, and the proceeding to the neighbourhood following, Mr. de Frontenac on one fide, and the governor of New York on the other, did little elfe than cabal among the Iroquois, who fent deputies from time to time to Montreal and Quebec, on pretence of promoting an accommodation; but, in fact, to be fpies upon the French colony. Nor were the intrigues of the French confined to the nation of the Iroquois understanding that the Abenaquies had concluded a treaty of peace with Sir William Phips, governor of New England, and given hoftages for the performance of the articles, they inftigated a party of that very nation to take arms privately, and attack by furprize two blockhoufes in Pifcatua, which they reduced without oppofition. There having butchered about tbree hundred men, women, and children, under the auspices of the Sieur de Vil-. lieu, a French officer, affifted by M. Thury, a miffionary of Pentagoet; they plundered and burned the defenceless houfes of Fifcatua, and of Bofton, took another block-house, and committed the fame ravages with impunity. It was at this period, that Meffrs. d'Iberville, and Serigny, reduced the English fort at Port Nelfon, in Hudson's bay. Canada ftill continued the scene of a predatory war, carried on by detached parties of Indians, hunted on like dogs by the two European nations alternately; and thefe favages continued to exercife on both fides their wonted brutality upon the defencelefs plantations. Monf. de Frontenac had fo much at heart, the repairing and re-eftablishing the fort of Caderakui, that he now executed this fcheme, contrary to the opinion of the whole colony, and even in contradiction to the orders received from his fovereign and that his ideas on this fubject, were juft, hath appeared in the confequences. The fort of Caderakui, rebuilt and re-established at this juncture, prevented the Outawawas from detaching themfelves entirely from the interefts of the French, who, who, they began to fear, had neither power nor inclination to protect them for, at this fort, and here alone, they could fecure a retreat, in all their enterprizes against the Iroquois. The fort of Caderakui enabled the French and their allies to harrass the enemy by continual irruptions, in fuch a manner, that they were afraid of forming any important enterprize, to be executed at any great diftance from their own country; and, in the fequel, this fort became the mart to which the remote Indians brought their furs annually to market. After all, when the fort was repaired, the garrifon left in it, did not exceed fifty men. The Indians, in the French inereft, had now imbibed fuch a contempt for the power of France, and the price of their commodities was fo exorbitant, that nothing could have prevented their falling off from the governor-general of Canada, but the most abfurd conduct of those who dire&ted the English colonies, and neglected this fair opportunity of uniting all the Indians of North-America, under the protection and dependance of Great-Britain. Frontenac was fo fenfible of his own fituation, as well as the fupine indolence or difcord that prevailed among the English governors, that he lowered the price of thofe commodities for which the Indians traded with his colonifts; he employed all his miffionaries, and every able emiffary he could find, in fomenting divifions among the Indian tribes; in bribing, cajoling, deceiving, and bringing over certain individuals of influence among thofe favages; and in exciting their jealoufy and hatred againft the English, by calumny and mifre prefentation. The fame arts were used by the English partifans; but not with the fame induftry, dexterity, and fuccefs. He, at the fame time, formed a plan for the conqueft of Bofton, which, in all probability, might have been eafily effected; but this the court of France did not think proper to purfue. They had fixed their attention upon Newfoundland, against which they equipped a squadron, in the courfe of the fucceeding year; and took St. John's, with feveral other places of fmall importance. Meanwhile, Mr. de Frontenac began to make preparations for an expedition against the Onondagas, whom he feemed determined to extirpate. He affembled about eight hundred regulars, a greater number of Canadians, and a very confiderable body of Indians; and in the month of July, 1696, embarked in canoes at the Ifte Perrot, with two field-pieces and a few fmall mortars. On the 19th they arrived at Caderakui, where they expected to be joined by four hundred of the Outawawas, who, neverthelefs, difappointed their expectation. Then they proceeded for the river of Chouguen, by which they entered the lake Ganentaha; and at a ftrait called Rigolet, they found two bundles of rushes hanging to a tree, which is the Indian method. of defying their enemies. The number of rushes that compofed the bundles, fignified the number of Indians who had taken the field to give battle to the French, and amounted to fourteen hundred and thirty four warriors. This, however, was a declaration which their performance did not confirm. They no fooner received intelligence of their enemy's approach, than they removed their effects, reduced their town to afhes, and abandoned a kind of fort which the English of NewYork had built for their defence. When Mr. de Frontenac entered the place, he found nothing but the bodies of two miferable French prisoners, whom the favages had maffacred the preceding day. He now detached the Chevalier de Vaudreuil, at the head of fix hundred men, to the district of the Onneyouths, in order to receive the fubmiffion of that tribe; or, in case of their refufal, to burn their babitations, destroy their corn, and put all their people to the fword. In the mean time, a party of the French Indians having found in the woods an Onondaga Indian, fo decrepid and enfeebled with old age, that he could not fly with his countrymen; they, with the permiffion of the French general, tormented him to death. But all the tortures they could inflict, did not extort from him one groan. He continued calmly to reproach them, as having forfeited their native liberty, and become flaves to the French, a people of whom he talked with the utmost contempt. At length, when one of them, in order to difpatch him, thrust his knife into the old favage's bowels, he said, with great tranquillity, "Thou fhouldft have prolonged my life, that thou mighteft have had the more time to learn to die like a man."-Vaudreuil executed his commiffion, in deftroying the fort and villages of the Onneyouths, and releafed fome French prifoners; then a deputation from the people, fubmitted in form to Frontenac, who took them into his protection: but finding among thefe deputies, a native of the diftrict of Agnier, who had deferted last winter from the village of the mountain, he caufed him to be burned, according to the cuftom of the Indians. If thefe examples of retaliation had any effect in deterring the favages from the practice of such barbarity, they might.be excufed as a neceffary expedient; but as no such effect can be produced among people who confider it as the certain confequence of war, and even cultivate it as a religious rite; the officers of a civilized nation ought not to countenance this brutal facrifice to revenge, which is indeed a reproach to humanity. The count de Frontenac having affembled a council of war at this juncture, they were unanimously of opinion, that the canton, or diftri&t, of Goyogouin fhould undergo the fame severities which had been exercifed on thofe of Onondaga, and Onneyouth, and that a fort should be built in each, in order to prevent them from being re-fettled by the Indians. The Chevalier de Callieres offered to remain in that country all winter, in order to execute the fcheme, and Frontenac accepted of his offer; but that fame evening he declared he had changed his mind, and that the troops must get ready for their return to Montreal. In vain, Callieres reprefented that they ought first to ravage the country of the Goyogouins, who were the most troublesome, and at the fame time, the mott eafily fubdued of all the Iroquois : he could not even obtain a detachment of the army for this fervice. Frontenac is faid to have conceived an opinion that Callieres, being jealous of his glory, wanted to to engage him in a dangerous en- brage at the character of Callieres, terprize of doubtful iffue. Others who had made great progress in fufpected that Frontenac was un- conciliating the affection of the willing to put an end to the war, troops. Be this as it may, certain left his fervices in that country it is, he refolved to retreat, contrary fhould be no longer ufeful. Both to the inclination of the officers and these notions seem to be without foldiers, and in contempt of repeatfoundation. There was no danger ed remonstrances made by the Caat all in penetrating into the coun- nadians and Indians of the Sault St. try of the Goyogouins, where he Louis, which he treated with reknew he had nothing to fear. markable difdain. He therefore Neither could he imagine, that reimbarked, and returned to Monburning the habitations of the fa- treal, having loft but fix men in vages, would put an end to the the whole expedition. Then he war. He was too well acquainted fent off detachments to harrass the with their disposition, not to know enemy 'till the end of autumn. On that revenge is, next to the love of his arrival at Quebec, he found the liberty, their predominant principle; fhip Wafp, from Old France, with that all he could do, would be no orders to take on board a body of more than compelling them to troops and Canadians, under the choose another situation amidst the command of Mr. de Muys, and waftes of America; and therefore convey them to Placentia, in Newthe fcheme of building forts was foundland, where they were to wait altogether abfurd, unless they had for d'Iberville, at this time employcommanded important paffes. It ed in reducing the fort of Pemkuit, is much more likely, that Mr. in Acadia. de Frontenac, who was now grown old, peevish, and inactive, took um [To be continued.] /32 An ESSAY on PARTY. A Greater judgment cannoition, the person of a more every particu fall a country than a division, which rends its people into parties; which are more averfe, and greater enemies to one another, than if they were of different nations: this fpoils good neighbourhood, makes honeft gentlemen hate one another, and manifeftly tends to the deftruction of all society. The effect of fuch divifions are extremely pernicious, not only with regard to thofe advantages which they give the common enemy, but to thofe private evils, which they produce in lar perfon. A furious party fpirit, when it rages without controul, exerts itself in civil war, and when it is under its greatest restraints, naturally breaks out into calumny and detraction, and a partial adminiftration of juftice: in a word, it fills a nation with fpleen and rancour, and extinguishes all the feeds of good-nature, compaffion, and humanity. All honeft men fhould enter into an affociation to fupport one another against the common enemy, without having any any other intereft at heart but that of the public good, or being influenced by any other paffion than the love of their country. Inconftancy, when it regards religion or party, makes a man appear very ridiculous; for he, that changes, is always hated by those he left, and rather feared, than efteemed, by thofe he comes over to. In these articles of life, a man's conviction ought to be very ftrong, or elfe mankind will fufpect that he does not change fides out of principle, but either out of levity of temper, or profpect of intereft. Irrefolution in the schemes of life, and inconftancy in pursuing them, are the most univerfal caufes of all our difquiet and unhappiness; to be happy, a man should live according to the dictates of reafon, efteeming other things only as they fall in with his principal defign. As there is no character so unjust, as that of talking in party without any regard to worth or merit, fo there is none more juft, than speaking one's mind, when we fee things arged to extremity. The words Whig and Tory, and fuch like terms, do not fo much denote a principle, as they diftinguifh a party; and are like the different trimmings of a foldier's coat, which only serve to fhew to what regiment he belongs; or like words of battle, which have nothing to do with their original, and are only given out to keep a body of men together. The fpirit of party in England infpired animofities, bred raucour, weakened our natural ftrength, deftroyed our peace at home, and fullied our glory abroad. The authority of a fect, and much more of a state, is able to infpire an habit to confirm the moft abfurd opinions. Paffion or interefl can create zeal; but nothing can give ftability, and durable uniformity to error: for erroneous opinions, like human bodies, tend to their diffolution from their birth. They will be foon rejected in theory, where men can think; and in practice, where men can act with freedom. The parties, in Charles the Firft's reign, called Roundheads and Cavaliers, were afterwards diftinguifhed by the names of Whig and Tory, and then Court and Country. The old Whig principles were the freedom of the people, refiftance, exclufion, abdication, &c. thofe of the Tories, hereditary right, paffive-obedience, and non-refiftance. When the motives of contending parties are founded on private ambition, or avarice, the danger is great. The only parties in Charles the Second's reign, at firft were churchmen and Diffenters. In Charles the First's time, church and royalty attacked the nation, Puritanifm and Diffenters ruined it: there was a faction in the court, among the people, but the latter was owing to the former. The hereditary. right, on which James I. built his claim, is contradicted by the general tenor of the custom, from the Norman invafion to this time, by the declared sense of his immediate predeceffors, by many folemn proceedings of parliament, and by the exprefs terms of law. The miferable Britons, fays Rapin, were always a prey to their inteftine divifions; inftead of uniting against the common enemy, they prepare to destroy one another. A Ge |