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March 5. The Grenades fubjected to

the English.

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16. A ceffation of hoftilities between 28. The prince of Mecklenburgh

Ruffia and Pruffia figned.

17. The Brest fleet arrived at Cape

François.

failed from Plymouth, and the
count of Lippe from Falmouth,
for Lisbon.

The Ventura, a Spanish frigate, July 7. The English land on Cuba.

taken.

April5. The Dragon, a French ship

9. Catherine II. afcended the throne

of 64 guns, loft at San Do- 17.
mingo.

fters left Lisbon.

of Ruffia.

The depofed emperor of Ruffia
died.

27. The Spanish and French mini-Aug. 12. The prince of Wales born. 12. Havannah taken by the English. May 5. A peace between Ruffia and 23. A Dutch ship of war taken by

Pruffia figned.

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SOME

the English.

Almeyda furrenders to the Spa-
niards.

27. Valencia de Alcantara, taken by
the English and Portuguese.
Sept. 11. The duke of Bedford ar-

rives at Paris.

13. The duke of Nivernois arrives
at London.

18. Newfoundland retaken.
18. The Humber man of war loft
off Yarmouth.

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9. Schweidnitz taken by the
king of Pruffia.
Three French frigates, and a
fleet of merchant-hips, taken
by commodore Keppel.
Nov. 1. Caffel taken by the Hano-
verians.

Preliminaries of peace figned at
Fontainbleau.

22. Preliminaries of peace ratified.
25. The feffion of parliament
opened.

To the Authors of the BRITISH MAGAZINE.

GENTLEMEN, OME paffages in the papers, published by the champions on both fides of the prefent political conteft, induce me to fend you the January, 1763.

following, taken from Villaret's hif-
tory of France. The reader will
naturally obferve that both nations
were then of the fame religion, con-
E
fequently

fequently one great caufe of animofity did not subsist.

"When the English were to be put in poffeffion of the places and territories specified in the conventions between Edward III. and John II. both nobles and commons openly fhewed an equal averfion. The La Marches, the Comminges, the Perigords, the Chatillons, the Curmines, the Piccornets, the Foix, the Armagnacs, the Albrets, all these heads of our moft illuftrious families, together with the lords and gentlemen connected with them, flew into a flame, on notification that they were now to change mafters; they one and all remonstrated that the king was the only fovereign they owned, that they were infeparably united to the French monarchy; they pleaded their charters, patents, and privileges, confirmed by all our kings fince Charlemain; fubmiffion to any other dominion than that of their lawful prince they execrated, with one mouth, as the most infupportable hardship, the most infamous abasement.

"This generous reluctance filled, the king's heart with a correfpondent grief, which, however, was combated by an inviolable regard to his word, and thereby the fate of fuch loyal vaffals was determined; this defalcation was, indeed, the forced purchase of the national fecurity and welfare. He fent James de Bourbon to bring the nobility

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and gentry to acquiefce in the exchange. "At the intreaties of the king and his beloved coufin, says Froifart, they complied, but it was forely against the grain." The cities, towns, and villages, univerfally breathed a like fpirit of infeparable attachment and devotednefs to the crown of France; it was above a year before the inhabitants of Rochelle could be brought to fubmit; they would not fo much as allow an Englishman to come within their walls. To all the king's folicitations they anfwered with the moft animated proteftations of zeal and fidelity; they conjured him for God's fake, not to discharge them from their allegiance, not to cut them off from his domain, not to give them up to ftrangers, vowing they had rather pay every year one half of their incomes than to be transferred to the king of England. John, charmed with fuch worthy fubjects, but at the fame time tortured by a keen fenfe of the lofs of them, affectionately made answer, That the peace, and the very fafety of the kingdom, required this facrifice, not lefs painful to him than to them. At length, feeing their deftiny fixed, by the king's unmoveable adherence to the convention; they fubmitted, and their final answer to him was this, "With our lips we will obey the English, but they shalk not have the leaft fhare in onr hearts."

An ESSAY on Ingratitude and Gratitude.

TH
HERE are fome ungrateful
perfons, who are lefs to be
blamed for their ingratitude, than

their benefactors. 'Tis with gratitude as with truft among tradefmen, it keeps up commerce, and

ye

we do not pay because 'tis just to discharge our debts, but to engage people the more eafily to lend us another time. To be hafty to return an obligation is one fort of ingratitude. There is more danger in doing fome men too much good, than in using them ill. When we magnify the tenderness that our friends have for us, 'tis often not fo much out of gratitude, as a defire to give others an opinion of our merit. The gratitude of moft men is only a defire of receiving greater favours. We feldom find people ungrateful as long as we are in a condition to oblige them. 'Tis no great misfortune to oblige ungrateful people, but it is an intolerable one to be obliged to a brutal man. We take more pleasure to fee the persons we have done good to, than those that have done good to us. Gratitude is the mother of virtue. It is the blackeft ingratitude to accept the best of any one's endeavours to please you, and pay it with indifference. Trifling gifts receive a value, when they are the offerings of respect, esteem and gra. titude. Men are grateful according as they are refentful. He that is grateful would be generous if he had it in his power. The error of the giver oft-times excufes the ingratitude of the receiver, for a favour ill-placed is rather a profufion than a benefit. We are apt enough to acknowledge, that fuch a man has been the making of us.

Ofway king of Northumberland was murdered by the confpiracy of two earls, who being afked what moved them to a crime fo heinous, answered, that it was because he was fo gentle to his enemies, as to forgive them their in

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juries, as often as they befought him.

Let every man who receives a benefit, repay it in an exact proportion; whoever does this fhall be greatly rewarded in both worlds.

He will enjoy the converfation of his friends and acquaintance thro life with the greateft fatisfaction, who estimates their good offices to him at a higher rate than they themfelves fet on them, and in the fame proportion under-values his own good offices to them.

Anaxilaus, king of Rhegium, whofe juftice was equal (fays Juftin) to the cruelty of the tyrants in those days, reaped no fmall advantage from his moderation; for at his deceafe having left his little fons under the tuition of Mycitus his fervant, fo great was the univerfal love which the people preferved to his memory, that they chose rather to obey a fervant, than to desert the fons of their late king; and the great men of the city, forgetting their dignity, permitted the exercise of royal power to be in fervile hands.

Injuries are never obliterated, but benefits are confumed in the very fruition; for freedom doth not delight even in the fame degree as flavery hurts us; no man confiders the free power of enjoying his own, as a favour for to this he thinks he has a right; but if he be once deprived of this right, he is fure never to forget the injury.

When Cæfar was upbraided for preferring mean fellows to great honours, he answered, if he had rifen to power by fuch men, he would be grateful to them when in power. Julius Cæfar had got the better E 2

of

of Bibulus by means of Cæpio, for which he foon afterwards rewarded him by taking away his wife Julia, who was Cæfar's daughter, and giving her to Pompey.

When Arbaus was become mafter of Babylon, principally by the means of Belefis, he was, by his former benefactor, deceived into granting him all the pleasures of Sardanapalus, which he imagined had perifhed with their profeffor; this trick being difcovered, Belefis was by the principal officers of the army condemned to die: but Arbaus not only reprieved him, but fuffered him to enjoy all the treafures he brought off, saying that his former merits were much greater than his later demerits had been; an action, says Diodorus, which was no fooner publicly known, than it procured him univerfal glory, and love over all the Babylonian provinces.

The man who confers a favour becomes a firmer friend than he who receives it; for the former thinks only of preferving the benevolence he hath acquired in the mind of his friend, whereas the other fees the obligation with a colder and dimmer eye, confidering himself rather as paying a debt than conferring a favour in whatever he doth.

Machiavel fays, injuries are to be committed all at once, that the laft being the less, the distaste may likewife be lefs; but benefits should be diftilled by drops; that the relish may be the greater.

Men receiving good offices where they expected ill, are indeared by the furprize, and become better affected to their benefactor, than perhaps they would have been, had he been made prince by their im mediate favour.

A Letter to the Duke d'Aiguillon from Sir Edward Hawke, written soon after the GLORIOUS 20th of Nov. 1759; which fhews the Honour and Spirit of the brave English Commander in fo true a Light, that we are perfuaded there is no British Bofom, but will be fired with the Sentiments of Loyalty and Patriotifm on the Perufal.

ROYAL GEORGE, Dec. 12, 1759Have the honour of your Grace's letter of the 11th inft. in answer to which, I beg leave to acquaint you, that captain Oury has acted entirely by my orders, and that I approve of what he has done. His manifeft, of which your Grace has tranfmitted me a copy, is a fufficient proof of his humanity, and the tenderness of my orders, which were not to fire unless he fhould be fred upon.

need only have recourfe to my letter to your Grace on the 29th of November, by lord Howe, with regard to the Heroe. — My words are: "I therefore claim these officers and men as prifoners, and expect from your Grace's known honour, that they be immediately delivered up to me." The hull and guns were not mentioned; for the firft I had set on fire, and the fecond I looked on as in my own power to recover. Let me further

Without further recollection, I beg your Grace to look over the

agree

agreement you figned with lord Howe is the artillery so much as mentioned in it? No. Every article of it I have strictly observed; exchanged feamen, released officers, foldiers and militia, on the terms of the cartel, and sent the guardes marines a-fhore on parole. I could not help being furprised, that no notice was taken in that agreement of my claims of the Heroe's officers and men; and was answered that matter belonged to another department, not to your Grace's; which occafioned my writing to you again upon that fubject. I can only further affure your Grace, that had a captain of a British ship of war, under my command, begged quarter, and furrendered to the French, and afterwards run away with the ship, in the open breach of the rules of war; I would have immediately delivered up the fhip, with the commander, to have been treated as the forfeiture of his honour deserved. The fame I should have expected from the duke d'Aiguillon, if I did not confider him as the fubject of a ftate, in which the will of the monarch conftitutes right and wrong.

I affure your Grace, upon my honour, that I never heard of any memorial to be prefented to the admiralty of England, who have no concern in matters of this kind. By the bounty of their king, British feamen are entitled to every thing furrendered by, and taken from, an enemy in war. In their names, and for their benefit, I fhall endeavour to recover the Heroe's guns, and also those of the Soleil Royal, which was deferted and left to our

mercy: the delivery of the officers and men, is all that depends at prefent on the honour of your court, the artillery are within our reach; our endeavours to take them away being juftifiable, I was in hopes. would not have been intercepted; but fince your Grace, and the marquis de Broc, have thought fit to fire upon my fhips, I fhall take as fevere a revenge as I can, along your coafts, as foon as I receive fupplies from Britain.

For I came out near eight months ago, only furnished with orders to decide the fate of the two nations with M. de Conflans in the open fea; but when we met, as he did not choose to stay for me, he has thereby changed the nature of my military operations, and reduced me to the neceffity (entirely repugnant to my natural difpofition) of fending fire and fword into that country, from whence your Grace, with forty battalions under your command, by the authenticated inftructions of marshal de Belleifle, was to have spread the moft dreadful calamities of war in Great Britain or Ireland. I cannot perfuade myself your Grace could be ferious, when you termed my enterprises irregular; it was merriment and I fhall not hereafter be furprised, if, in the fame Gaiete de Coeur, I fhould be accused of acting irregularly in attacking M. de Conflans (after a chace of twenty leagues in the open feas) within your islands, and on your coaft, and fetting fire to the Soleil Royal, &c.

As an individual, I honour and respect the duke d'Aiguillon: as a commander of a British fquadron

again!!

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