are to evacuate the Mosquito shore, and that they think themselves recompensed by cessions more extensive in another quarter. important there. Mr. seems, doth not permit There is little appear "The accommodation between this Court and that of Naples, as proposed by France, will not be accepted, at the same time, permit me to ask in what state our treaty is with Naples? I have a sure channel to convey such insinuations as may be thought proper, to the persons who have the influence most Lamb's bad state of health, it his speedy return to America. ance that either Naples or Portugal will make their peace with the Regency. Our treaty meets with obstacles much greater than you apprehended, with Portugal. Permit me to tell you, that there is a great probability, that the Ambassador of that nation here will be appointed first Minister, that the Chevalier del Pinto is of another party." "The Count de Florida Blanca has been indisposed for some time; this is a public misfortune, but still more to me, personally. Mr. Barclay mentions to me, that the English are in disgrace in Morocco. If your powers from Congress are so extensive, as to admit Mr. Barclay's negotiating in Barbary, if even you can, conjointly with Mr. Adams, take upon you what certainly I would do, to consult the public interest without orders; you will allow that gentleman to make overtures, in order to prevent hostilities, at least to give time to Congress, to adopt such measures as they may judge proper. Be assured that all that I can do to second the operations of a man proper to be employed as he is, I shall do cheerfully." FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Dear Sir, Office for Foreign Affairs, The frigate called the South Carolina, belonging to that State, assisted Spain at the reduction of Providence and the Bahama Islands. To obtain compensation for which, Congress, at the instance of the State, have directed application to be made to the Court of Madrid. The Prince of Luxemburgh is, it seems, interested in the frigate, and in the expected compensation. The Delegates of South Carolina think his influence, if exerted, would conduce much to the success of the application. Your endeavors to obtain his aid and support are requested; and I have the honor of transmitting to you herewith, the papers relative to that transaction, under an unsealed cover, directed to Mr. Carmichael, to whom be pleased to forward them, and from time to time, to give him such advice and intelligence as may facilitate the execution of his instructions on this subject. With great esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN JAY. FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Office for Foreign Affairs, Dear Sir, Since closing my despatches to you of the 1st instant, I learn from the Consul of France, that the Prince of Luxemburgh was only the ostensible owner of the South Carolina frigate, and that she, in reality, belonged to the King of France, who was entitled to a fourth of her prizes and profits. This information induces me to think that it would be advisable to converse on the subject with the Count de Vergennes, previous to any application to the Prince. These despatches will explain this letter. With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be &c. JOHN JAY. FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Dear Sir, Office for Foreign Affairs, Op 14, 1736.} My last to you was dated 27th October, by the way of London, since which I have been honored with yours of the 11th and 13th August. They both arrived the 23rd November last, but Congress not having made a house since the 7th of that month, they have not yet been officially communicated. The information relative to Sir Guy Carleton's instructions, is in direct opposition to intelligence I have received on the same subject, from persons in London, who have opportunities of knowing the truth, and whose credit is unquestionable. It is possible, however, that they may have been either accidentally or designedly deceived. A variety of considerations, and some facts, afford room for suspicions that there is an understanding, between the in surgents in Massachusetts, and some leading person in Canada, but whether with or without the consent or connivance of the British Government, is still to be ascertained. There is so much evidence of their having sent emissaries to Quebec, and of propositions made to, and received, by them, from a character of distinction there, that I am induced to think there is at least some truth in it. A report has also circulated, that the insurgents have money and pay, not only for supplies and ammunition, but also for personal services. This fact is as yet supported by slender proof; so much so, that my judgment remains undecided and in suspense about it. Intimations have been given, that the people of Vermont are less and less anxious to be admitted into the Confederacy, and that they rather incline to a connexion of some kind or other, with Britain, than with us. This, also, remains to be proved. Two circumstances, however, give it some appearance of probability, viz: it is said and believed they talked with Sir Guy Carleton during the war, and they know that by remaining separate from the States, they will also remain uncharged with our debts. An idea that may do mischief, has been very incautiously dropped where it should never have enteredthat the interests of the Atlantic and western parts of the United States are distinct, and that the growth of the latter, tending to diminish that of the former, the western people have reason to be jealous of the northern. If Britain really means to do us harm, she will adopt and impress this idea. You will perceive, from the public papers, that the Government of Massachusetts has behaved with great moderation and condescension towards the insurgents; Obsta principiis more so, in my opinion, than was wise. always appeared to me to be a maxim very applicable to such cases. Those malcontents, undoubtedly, mean more than the redress of grievances, which their leaders complain of, and there is little doubt, but that those leaders have more extensive views, than their followers suspect. During the winter they may, perhaps, continue quiet, but if, during the course of it, they should be able to bring their affairs into system, and either obtain, or be promised, foreign countenance and aid, they will probably give us trouble in the spring. These people bear no resemblance to an English mob; they are more temperate, cool and regular in their conduct. They have hitherto abstained from plunder, nor have they, that I know of, committed any outrages, but such as the accomplishment of their purpose made necessary. I hear today, that some of their leaders, in one of the counties, have certainly been taken by a party of horse from Bos ton. In my letter of the 27th October, I enclosed a copy of an act of Congress, authorizing you to settle the affair of Schweighauser, and directing the Board of Treasury to furnish you with the necessary information. I presume therefore, that such part of your letter of the 11th August, as relates to that matter, will be referred to the Board, and that the Commissioners according to order, will collect and transmit to you the intelligence in ques tion. My sentiments respecting the discussion of this matter with the Court, perfectly correspond with yours. The situation of our captive countrymen at Algiers is much to be lamented, and the more so as their deliver |