if we entered into explanatory declarations of the points unfavorable to us, we should expect, as a consideration for this, corresponding declarations on the parts in our favor. In fact, we supposed his view to be, to leave this part of the interest to stand on the general expressions of the treaty, that they might avail themselves in individual cases, of the favorable dispositions of debtors or of juries.

We proceeded to the necessity of arrangements of our future commerce, were it only as a means of enabling our country to pay its debts. That they had been contracted while certain modes of remittance had existed here, and had been an inducement to us to contract these debts. He said he was not authorized to speak on the subject of the future commerce.

He appeared really and feelingly anxious that arrangements should be stipulated as to the payment of the old debts, said he would proceed at that moment to Lord Carmarthen's and discuss the subject with him, and that we might expect to hear from him. He took leave and we never since have heard from him, or any other person on the subject.

Congress will judge how far these conversations should influence their future proceedings, or those of the States. I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

London, April 23, 1786.

Sir,

In my letter of March 12th, I had the honor of explaining to you the motives, which had brought me to

this place. A joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself sent by the last packet, informed you of the result of our conferences with the Tripoline Minister.

The conferences with the Minister of Portugal have been drawn to a greater length than I expected, however every thing is now agreed, and the treaty will be ready for signature the day after to-morrow. I shall set out for Paris the same day. With this country nothing is done, and that nothing is intended to be done on their part, admits not the smallest doubt. The nation is against any change of measures. The Ministers are against it, some from principle, others from subserviency, and the King more than all men is against it. If we take a retrospect to the beginning of the present reign, we observe that amidst all the changes of Ministry, no change of measures with respect to America ever took place; excepting only at the moment of the peace, and the Minister of that moment was immediately removed.

Judging of the future by the past, I do not expect a change of disposition, during the present reign, which bids fair to be a long one, as the King is healthy and temperate, that he is persevering we know. If he ever changes his plan, it will be in consequence of events, which neither himself nor his Ministers at present place among those which are probable. Even the opposition dare not open their lips in favor of a connexion with us, so unpopular would be the topic.

It is not that they think our commerce unimportant to them. I find that the merchants have set sufficient value on it; but that they are sure of keeping it on their own terms. No better proof can be shewn of the security in which the Ministers think themselves on this head, than

that they have not thought it worth while to give us a conference on the subject, though on my arrival, we exhibited to them our commission, observed to them that it would expire on the 12th of the next month, and that I had come over on purpose to see if any arrangements could be made before that time. Of two months which then remained, six weeks have elapsed without one scrap of a pen or one word from a Minister, except a vague proposition at an accidental meeting. We availed ourselves even of that, to make another essay to extort some sort of declaration from the Court, but their silence is invincible. But of all this as well as of the proceedings in the negotiation with Portugal, information will be given you by a joint lettter from Mr. Adams and myself.

The moment is certainly arrived, when the plan of this Court being out of all doubt, Congress and the States may decide what their own measures should be.

The Marquis of Lansdowne spoke of you in very friendly terms, and desired me to present his respects to you, in the first letter I should write.

He is thoroughly sensible of the folly of the present measures of this country, as are a few other characters about him. Dr. Price is among these, and is particularly disturbed at the present prospects. He acknowledges however that all change is desperate; which weighs the more as he is intimate with Mr. Pitt.

This small band of friends, favorable as it is, does not pretend to say one word in public on our subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

New York, July 14, 1786.

Dear Sir,

Since my last to you, of the honored with your letter of 23rd,

you and Mr. Adams, of 25th April.

16th ult. I have been

and a joint one from

Considering the importance of our commerce with Portugal, it gives me pleasure to learn, that a treaty with that kingdom was nearly concluded. Until our affairs shall be more perfectly arranged, we shall treat under disadvantages, and, therefore, I am not surprised that our negotiations with Britain and Barbary are unpromising. To be respectable abroad, it is necessary to be so at home, and that will not be the case, until our public faith acquires more confidence, and our Government more strength.

When, or how, these great objects will be attained, can scarcely be conjectured. An uneasiness prevails through the country, and may produce, eventually the desired reformation, and it may also produce untoward events. Time, alone, can decide this and many other doubts. For nations, like individuals, are more frequently guided by circumstances, than circumstances by them.

I am not charged to communicate to you any instructions, though I have reason to think that some will be ready, by the time the next packet will sail, Nor have I any very interesting intelligence to transmit. The British Government at New Brunswick, have lately given uneasiness to Massachusetts, by extending their jurisdiction farther than the treaty will warrant. And from the present state of our Indian affairs, there is reason to ap

prehend trouble with them. They appear dissatisfied with their late cessions to us, and it is not improbable that they will give interruption to our surveyors. How far these people may be instigated by our neighbors is not decided; but the asperity observable in the British nation towards us, creates suspicions that they wish to see our difficulties, of every kind, increase and accumulate. Indeed, I fear that other European nations do not regard us entirely without jealousy. There are some little circumstances, which look as if the Dutch regret our having found the way to China; and that will, doubtless, be more or less the case with every nation, with whose commercial views we may interfere. I am happy in reflecting that there can be but little clashing of interests, between us and France, and, therefore, that she will probably continue disposed to wish us well and do us good, especially if we honestly fulfil our pecuniary engagements with her. These engagements, however, give me much concern. Every principle and consideration of honor, justice and interest, call upon us for good faith and punctuality, and yet we are, unhappily, so circumstanced that the moneys necessary for the purpose are not provided, nor in such a way of being provided as they ought to be. This is owing, not to any thing wrong in Congress, but to their not possessing that power of coercion, without which, no Government can possibly attain the most salutary and constitutional objects. Excuses and palliations, and applications for more time, make bad remittances, and will afford no inducements-to our allies or others, to afford us similar aids on future occasions.

I send herewith a packet for you from Mr. Hopkinson, and the public papers. The letter will inform you of the