What will be the fate of the new Constitution, as it is called, cannot easily be conjectured. At present the majority seems to be in favor of it, but there will probably be a strong opposition in some of the States, particularly in this and Pennsylvania. I have the honor of being, &c. JOHN JAY. FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Office for Foreign Affairs, Sir, The despatches alluded to in my late letters, together with others of some importance, are ready, and were intended to be conveyed to you by this packet; but the gentleman to whose care they were committed, declining to go in her, they must pass to you by some other route. An opinion prevails, that hostilities have probably commenced between France and Britain, and such is its impression, that some gentlemen who proposed to sail in the French packet, think it most adviseable to take passage in an American vessel. For my own part, I think their apprehensions are premature; for, as yet, I am not informed of any events, from which I can infer a probability that war has taken place. A new commission, to expire at the expiration of your present one, has been ordered, and is ready. You will receive it with the above mentioned despatches. With sentiments of great and sincere esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN JAY. FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, August 30, 1787 Sir, Since your favor of July 10th, mine have been of July the 17th, 23rd, and 28th. The last enclosed a bill of exchange from M. Grand, on Tessier, for £46 17s. 10d. sterling, to answer General Sullivan's bill for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, though I have been anxious about it, as it went by post, and my letters through that channel sometimes miscarry. From the separation of the Notables to the present moment, has been, perhaps, the most interesting interval ever known in this country. The propositions of the government, approved by the Notables, were precious to the nation, and have been in an honest course of execution, some of them being carried into effect, and others preparing. Above all, the establishment of Provincial Assemblies, some of which have begun their sessions, bids fair to be the instrument for circumscribing the power of the crown, and raising the people into consideration. The election given to them is what will do this. Though the Minister who proposed these improvements, seems to have meant them as the price of new supplies, the game has been so played, as to secure the improvements to the nation, without securing the price. The Notables spoke softly on the subject of the additional supplies. But the Parliament took them up roundly, refused to register the edicts for the new taxes, till compelled in a bed of jusfice, and suffered themselves, to be transferred to Troyes, rather than withdraw their opposition. It is urged principally against the King, that his revenue is one hundred and thirty millions more than that of his predecessor was, and yet he demands one hundred and twenty millions further. You will see this well explained in the "conference entre un Ministre d'etat et un conseiller au Parlement," which I send yon, with some small pamphlets. In the meantime, all tongues in Paris, (and in France as it is said) have been let loose, and never was a licence of speaking against the government, exercised in London more freely or more universally. Caricatures, placards, bons mots, have been indulged in by all ranks of people, and I know of no well attested instance of a single punishment. For some time, mobs of ten, twenty, and thirty thousand people collected daily, surrounded the parliament house, huzzaed the members, even entered the doors and examined into their conduct, took the horses. out of the carriages of those who did well and drew them home. The government thought it prudent to prevent these, drew some regiments into the neighborhood, multiplied the guards, had the streets constantly patrolled by strong parties, suspended privileged places, forbade all clubs, &c. The strong mobs have ceased; perhaps this may be partly owing to the absence of Parliament. The Count d'Artois, sent to hold a bed of justice in the Cour des Aides, was hissed and hooted without reserve by the populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name) in the Queen's livery, was stopped by the populace, under a belief that it was Madame de Polignac, whom they would have insulted; the Queen, going to the theatre at Versailles with Madame de Polignac, The King, long in the was received with a general hiss. habit of drowning his cares in wine, plunges deeper and deeper. The Queen cries, but sins on. The Count d'Artois is detested, and Monsieur the general favorite. The Archbishop of Thoulouse is made Ministre principal, a virtuous, patriotic and able character. The Mareschal of Castries retired yesterday, notwithstanding strong solicitations to remain in office. The Mareschal de Segur retired at the same time, prompted to it by the Court. Their successors are not yet known. Monsieur de St. Priest goes Ambassador to Holland, in the room of Verac, transferred to Switzerland and the Count de Moustier goes to America, in the room of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who has a promise of the first vacancy. These nominations are not yet made formally, but they are decided on, and the parties are ordered to prepare for their destination. As it has been long since I have had a confidential conveyance to you, I have brought together the principal facts, from the adjournment of the Notables, to the present moment, which, as you will perceive from their nature, required a confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather, because, though you will have heard many of them, and seen them in the public papers, yet, floating in the mass of lies, which constitute the atmosphere of London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their truth; and I have mentioned every truth of any consequence, to enable you to stamp as false, the facts pretermitted. I think, that in the course of three months, the royal authority has lost, and the rights of the nation gained, as much ground by a revolution of public opinion only, as England gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I rather believe, too, they will retain the ground gained, because it is defended by the young and middle aged, in opposition to the old only. The first party increases, and the latter diminishes daily, from the course of nature. You may suppose, that in this situation, war would be unwelcome to France. She will surely avoid it, if not forced into it by the Courts of London and Berlin. If forced, it is probable she will change the system of Europe totally, by an alliance with the two Empires, to whom nothing would be more desirable. In the event of such a coalition, not only Prussia, but the whole European world, must receive from them their laws. But France will, probably, endeavor to preserve the present system, if it can be done, by sacrificing to a certain degree, the pretensions of the patriotic party in Holland. But of all these matters, you can judge, in your position, where less secrecy is observed, better than I can. I have news from America, as late as July the 19th. Nothing had transpired from the Federal Convention. I am sorry they began their deliberations by so abominable a precedent, as that of tying up the tongues of their members. Nothing can justify this example, but the innocence of their intentions, and ignorance of the value of public discussions. I have no doubt, that all their other measures will be good and wise. It is really an assembly of demigods. General Washington was of opinion that they should not separate till October. I have the honor to be, &c. TH: JEFFERSON. |