We shall have the honor, before I leave this place, to inform you of the result of the several matters which have brought me to it.

A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of January; the question therein proposed: "How far France considers herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts?" would, infallibly, produce another: How far we consider ourselves as guarantees of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war, in which these may bé attacked?

The words of the treaty of alliance seem to be without ambiguity on either head. Yet I should be afraid to commit Congress, by answering without authority.

I will endeavor, on my return, to sound the opinion of the Minister, if possible, without exposing myself to the other question. Should any thing forcible be meditated on those posts, it would possibly be thought prudent, previously to ask the good offices of France, to obtain their delivery.

In this case, they would probably say we must first execute the treaty on our part, by repealing all acts which have contravened it.

Now, this measure, if there be any candor in the Court of London, would suffice to obtain a delivery of the posts from them, without the mediation of any third power.

However, if this mediation should be finally needed, I see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question its omnipotent influence on the British Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Dear Sir,

New York, June 16, 1786.

Since my last to you, of the 14th ult. I have been honored with yours of the 2nd January and 5th and 12th of March last. I have also, received a joint letter from you and Mr. Adams, of 28th March. All of them have been laid before Congress, who, as yet, have not given me any orders respecting the contents of either.

The first of these letters, viz: that of 2nd January, strikes me as very interesting. I always wished, and that very sincerely, that on the return of peace, France might derive essential advantages from our commerce. I regret that this has not been the case, and that the causes which occasioned the disappointment, have not sooner been investigated and removed. In my opinion, you have done it candidly and ably; and it would give me great pleasure to hear that France has so regulated her commerce, as that the people of this country may indulge their desire, of giving the productions of this country, in exchange for those of that. There is certainly much wisdom and knowledge in France, but the interests of commerce do not appear to be as well understood in that country as in England. However the system of farming and monopoly may comport with the views of Government in some points, the experience of ages bears testimony to the injuries they have done to commerce. Governments, however, like individuals, sometimes become too strongly attached, by long continued habit, even to what daily does them harm. So that we may apply to errors in politics, what was wisely remarked of errors in morals: it is hard for those who are accustomed

to do evil to learn to do well. When I was in France, I heard that system censured by almost every gentleman whom I heard speak of it, and yet it seems so firmly fixed, perhaps by golden rivets, even on sovereignty itself, as that the speedy destruction of it, seems rather to be wished for than expected.

I herewith send copies of several letters respecting Mr. Gallatin, which will enable you to assure his friends of his being alive, and probably doing well.

I am impatient to receive the orders of Congress, on the subject of your negotiations with the Barbary powers. As yet that business remains under consideration. As to further loans, I have long thought that they should be preceded by proper arrangements for the payment of interest and principal, so that the public faith may be punctually kept. National character depends upon it, and I, for my part, think national character is of more importance, than even peace with those pirates.

Your reasons for going to England appear to me as they did to you, cogent and conclusive, and I make no doubt but that good will result from it, although, perhaps, not all that might have been expected. The affair of our posts is a serious business, and the more so, as in my opinion Britain has too much reason on her side. They who ask equity, should do it.

You will also receive with this letter, some of our late papers, and I shall take the first good opportunity that may offer, to write to you more particularly and explicitly on several subjects.

With great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Sir,

London, April 23, 1786.

In another letter of this day, I stated to you what had passed with public characters, since my arrival here. Conversations with private individuals, I thought it best not to mingle with the contents of that letter.

Yet, as some have taken place, which relate to matters within our instructions, and with persons, whose opinions deserve to have some weight, I will take the liberty of stating them. In a conversation with an ancient and respectable merchant of this place, such a view of the true state of the commercial connexion of America and Great Britain, was presented to him, as induced him to acknowledge they had been mistaken in their opinions, and to ask that Mr. Adams and myself would permit the chairman of the committee of American merchants to call on us.

He observed, that the same person happened to be, also, chairman of the committee of the whole body of British merchants, and that such was the respect paid to his person and office, that we might consider what came from him, as coming from the committees themselves. He called on us, at an appointed hour. It was a Mr. Duncan Campbell, formerly, much concerned in the American trade. We entered on the subject of the nonexecution of the late treaty of peace, alleged on both sides. We observed, that the refusal to deliver the western posts, and the withdrawing American property, contrary to express stipulation, having preceded what we considered as breaches on our part, were to be considerVOL. III.-2

ed as the causes of our proceedings. The obstructions thrown by our legislatures in the way of the recovery of their debts, was insisted on by him. We observed to him, that the great amount of the debt from America to Great Britain, and the little circulating coin in the former country, rendered an immediate payment impossible. That time was necessary. That we had been authorized to enter into explanatory arrangements on this subject, that we had made overtures for the purpose, which had not been attended to, and that the States had therefore been obliged to modify the article for themselves. He acknowledged the impossibility of immediate payment, the propriety of an explanatory convention, and that they were disposed to allow a reasonable time. We mentioned the term of five years, including the present, but that judgments might be allowed immediately, only dividing the execution into equal and annual parts, so that the last should be levied by the close of the year 1790. This seemed to be quite agreeable to him, and to be as short a term as would be insisted on by them. Proceeding to the sum to be demanded, we agreed that the principal, with the interest incurring before and after the war should be paid, but as to that incurring during the war, we differed from him. He urged its justice with respect to themselves, who had laid out of the use of their money during that period. This was his only topic. We opposed to it all those, which circumstances, both public and private, gave rise to. He appeared to feel their weight, but said the renunciation of this interest was a bitter pill, and such a one as the merchants here could not swallow. He wished that no declaration should be made as to this article, but we observed, that