were clothed in the white weeds of neophytes, and received instructions to teach them the first elements of the faith. The king and the bishop next held a "Thing" at Dragsheida, now Dragseidet, between Stadt and Selje. There they heard from a Bonde that he had lately lost a horse on Selje, and had at length found it standing under a "hammer" (projecting rock), whence arose a white and brilliant light. Olaf and Sigurd going to the spot, found a cave closed by a mass of rock which had fallen not very long before. In the cave they found human bones with a sweet smell, and, at last, the body of Sunnefa herself, still fresh and uncorrupt, as if only just dead. These sacred relics were at once removed and enshrined. The island began to be inhabited; a church was built in front of the cave in which the body of the saint had been found. Her relics, having been worshipped during several reigns, were translated in the reign of Magnus Erlingsen, and were enshrined to the honour of God in the Cathedral of Bergen, September 7, 1170, the same year, adds the Codex, in which the blessed Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury went to God in the triumph of martyrdom, and Sunnefa became "Bergensium Patrona." Another legend adds to this, that Sunnefa had a brother, Albanus, who followed her, and met with the same death, and that the monastery which was afterwards built near St. Sunnefa's Church was dedicated to him. This Albanus has obviously been confounded with the Protomartyr of England. This legend has been thoroughly investigated by Professor Bugge, of Christiania, and the results are given in an extremely interesting little book, Norges Helgener, by Professor Ludvig Daae. Let us, as briefly as we may, follow what he says: First: he compares the legend with the well-known legend of St. Ursula and the eleven thousand Virgins. Ursula was the daughter of Deonotus,* king of England. A certain heathen king desired to obtain her in marriage for his son, and endeavoured to compass his end by presents, promises and threats. Neither Deonotus and Deonatus are not names, but merely descriptive epithets, something like ol äyto in the New Testament. the father nor the daughter would consent; but as they were not strong enough to resist, Ursula betook herself to prayer, and was directed afterwards in a dream to choose ten virgins, noble and beautiful, and, in addition, a thousand more for herself and for each of the ten; to fit out eleven ships, and to demand a respite for three years, This was done, the three years were nearly ended, and the virgins, praying that their own and Ursula's chastity might be preserved, committed themselves to the sea. The wind rose, and blew for a day and a night, and carried them to the mouth of the Rhine, up which they sailed to Cologne, where their bones now rest in peace. How they afterwards became martyrs need not be said. We find nearly the same story in Geoffry of Monmouth. There, Conanus, King of Armorica, asks of Dionatus, King of Cornwall, successor to Caradoc, a number of British maidens, as he could not allow his followers to marry Gaulish wives. Dionatus accordingly collects eleven thousand noble maidens, and seventy thousand of lower rank, in London, with ships for transport. In due time they sailed for Armorica, but the fleet was shattered by a storm. The ships which weathered it were carried to the barbarian islands on the north coast of Germany, where the surviving maidens suffered martyrdom at the hands of the Huns. These stories are, clearly enough, from the same source. Ursula and Sunnefa both came from the same country; for, in the confused geography of those early days, there is no great difference between England and Ireland; and, indeed, Scotland and Ireland are sometimes used as convertible terms. Both are kings' daughters who desire celibacy, both are in danger from heathen suitors, both escape by sea with numerous followers, both suffer martyrdom in distant countries, and both are afterwards held as saints. There are other variants of the story Geoffry of Monmouth's barbarous islands would seem to be Heligoland. In an ancient catalogue of the lordships and churches of North Friesland-a MS. of the sixteenth century-the island is spoken of as "St. Ursula's Island," vulgo "Helgerlandt." Henrik Ranzan, who died in 1599, in his description. of the Cimbrian Peninsula, derives the word Heligoland either from a Bp. Hilgo, or from the eleven thousand virgins. Johann Adolfi, in his Chronicle of the County of Dittmarsch, says: "Hillige Land is a rock in the middle of the sea. It is said that the eleven thousand virgins landed there, and that it was then a great and good land, but that the inhabitants were so ungodly that they ruined it; wherefore the land sank, ruined, and turned into stone; and I have myself seen a piece of wax candle thence, which was quite petrified." The comparison of the stories of Ursula and Sunnefa is as old as Adam of Bremen, (about 1067). The Scholiast to Adam, probably, according to Professor Daae, Adam himself, repeats an older account of the seven sleepers reposing in a cave in the country of the Scrithfinni, in the furthest north. The Scholiast goes on to say, "Others maintain that some of the eleven thousand virgins came hither, and that their ships and people were overwhelmed by a rock, and that miracles are wrought there. Here Olaf built a church." Again, Johannes Messenius, the Swedish historian, makes Sunnefa one of the eleven thousand, next in rank to Ursula, and has carried her bodily back to the fourth century. Professor Bugge has proved conclusively that the story of Sunnefa and the men of Selje is, from beginning to end, a legend, the historical kernel of which can neither be sought for nor found. The name Sunnefa is peculiar to the Norsk story, but it is not a Norsk name, and the legend must come from the same source as the name; and it may be confidently said that it is not Irish. Therefore, the story cannot have come from Ireland to Norway. The most ancient form of the name is undoubtedly Sunnefa, and this is undoubt edly a Frankish name. It appears in the form of Sunnoveifa in the Testament of St. Remigius (533). This name in time got to be pronounced Sunnefa (compare Genovefa), and then, as the old Leikvangr on the Sogne Fjord has become Leikangr, so Sunnvêfa has become Sunnefa. It follows that the legend of Sunnefa came over from North Germany, and that its original home was among a Frankish speak ing people. But how did it find its way to a little Norsk island? Professor Bugge believes this to have been due entirely to the original name of the island, and this opinion is confirmed by the way in which the name of the same island comes into another and a totally different story. When Olaf Haraldsen (the saint) sailed in his two merchant ships from Northumberland to make his famous attempt on Norway, he encountered "furious hard weather," says Snorre, "but having a good crew and the king's luck, he landed on an island called Sæla, near Stadt. Thereupon the king said that it must be a lucky day on which they had landed on Sæla (luck), and that it was a good omen that it had so happened." That Selje is meant is proved by the express statement that "the king thence sailed south into Ulvesund ;" and, moreover, Selje forms a harbour known for its security time out of mind, and is the very place on which he would be likely to come ashore after his stormy voyage across the North Sea. But the island's name is Selja, not Sæla, and the word has nothing to do with luck. It comes from Sel, a sæter-hut, a chalet on a summer pasture-an explanation, also, which agrees with the statement in the legend that the Bonder turned out their cattle there. Thus, it came to pass that the legend of Sunnefa found a local habitation in Selja, because the name of the island was taken to mean "the blessed island," exactly as was the case in the story of St. Olaf. And just in the same way, the name Helgoland, Holyland, brought it about that it was there that Ursula and her companions were believed to have landed. One further proof was wanting-viz., that the bones of the saints should be discovered on the island; and this, suggests Professor Rygh, could be found in bones actually discovered in the rocky caves in the island, which, as was the case with other caves on the west coast of Norway, had been used as dwellings in very ancient times. One additional confirmation of the view that the legend has a North German origin, is the statement that Sunnefa lived in the days of Otho I., an expression which would be unaccountable had it come in the course of an account of the settlement of an Irish saint in Norway. We need not follow Professor Bugge into any further details, which would have no interest for an English reader, though their accumulated force is very great. Let us see what is to be said about the worship of Sunnefa by Professor Daae. The earliest trace of it is found in the latter half of the eleventh century, in which it appears that Jarl Haakon Ivarson had a daughter by Magnus the Good's daughter, Ragnhild, which daughter was called Sunniva, after the Saint, born, probably, about the close of Harald Hardraade's government. Later, Bernhard the Saxon became Bishop of Selja. He transferred the See to Bergen, but the supposed remains of Sunnefa, as we have seen, were not removed to the cathedral at Bergen till 1170. Meanwhile, a Benedictine monastery was founded at Selja-one of the earliest in the country. It was not dedicated to Sunnefa, but to the English Saint, Albanus, who was afterwards, in the Saga, altered into her brother. Sunnefa had on the island a church or chapel close by, a little higher up the mountain side, near the caves, and near it was St. Sunnefa's Spring. The day of St. Sunnefa and her followers was July 8 (Festum sanctorum in Selia, Seljumannamessa). These saints were acknowledged over the whole country, though more especially in Bergenstift, as local saints. Very few churches were dedicated to Sunnefa. Besides that at Selja there was one at Bergen; there were also altars in the cathedrals of Bergen's and Throndhjem; but there are few traces of her worship in other parts of Scandinavia. And, just as it sometimes happens, says Professor Daae, that, a book having been translated into a foreign tongue, the translation, now assumed to be the original, is again retranslated, so at last did the original Sunnefa, by means of the Hanseatic merchants, find her way back to North Germany as a Norsk saint. For she obtained a "Vicarie," along with St. Olaf, in St. Mary's Church at Lubeck. In Bergenstift she survives now, the writer believes, as a not very common female name, but is perhaps best known in the name given to the heroine of Bjornson's early and beauti ful story of Synnove Solbakken, written in his best days, long before he had sunk into the vulgar socialist orator. The "Officium et Lectiones de Sanctis in Selio" occupy several folio pages in Langebek. A few lines from one of the "hymns" may serve as a specimen :— Regum descendens stipite, celi scandit ad atria Devotum fide populum educavit Hybernia, Qui Seliensium scopulum petit pro domo regia. The church built in Sunnefa's honour by Olaf Tryggvesson (995-1000)—one of the very earliest churches built in Norway (Moster Church was the earliest of all)—became the mother church of all Gulathingslagen, which included Bergenstift, Hallingdal, Valders, and Stavanger and Nedences Amts, and was enriched by the gifts of many pilgrims. The island became the See of a bishop, and contained five churches besides the monastery. The See, as has been said, was translated to Bergen by Bishop Bernhard, and the shrine of Sunnefa at a later time (1170) by Magnus Erlingsen. The date of the foundation of the monastery is not known-but it was probably in the time of Sigurd Jorsalafarer, at the beginning of the twelfth century-nor yet the date of its destruction. It seems to have been the starting-point of a party which joined the seventh and last Crusade, in 1271. Lange (De norske Klostres Historie) states that uninterrupted accounts of Selje Kloster, of elections of abbots and canons, were kept up to the middle of the fourteenth century, when the black death, which is said to have utterly destroyed the whole population in some parts of the west coast of Norway, entirely put an end to them, though the Kloster continued to be powerful for a hundred years later. He mentions two monks who, in 1424, were, by some person and for some reason unknown, the one decapitated, the other burned. The manner of the destruction, however, whenever it happened, seems to have been by fire, the proof being the quantity of ashes and burned rubbish discovered on the pavement, not only of the monastery itself, but also of the other buildings, some of which were too far distant for a conflagration to have spread from one to the other. And this confirms an old tradition, that the church was plundered and burned by pirates, or by an enemy. In the parish register of Selje there is a notice by a priest, who died in 1759: That some hundreds of years ago, three or four Swedish men-of-war came into the Stadt waters, and destroyed the monastery by bombardment. The monks, in their dismay, sunk their valuables in their large gildekjedel (a huge caldron used when a Christmas feast was given to the Bonder on the neighbour ing Fast-land) into the sea by a rope, which broke when, on the departure of the enemy, they endeavoured to haul up the cauldron; so that all their precious things, including the church bell, were lost at the bottom of the sea, to the S. E. of the island. This is a very vague story, which cannot be credited, though it may be grounded on the ravages of some French pirates in 1564.* But the priest may be more accurate when he mentions that certain documents which had belonged to the monastery, and which had been preserved in the "Præstegaard," were destroyed in 1688 by the widow of the last priest, out of spite because his successor would not marry her. In 1545, the property of the monastery was confiscated by Christian III., and bestowed on St. George's Hospital at Bergen, now one of the hospitals for lepers, the foundation of which, according to Lange, is built of stones from Selje. And, last of all, the stones of the churches and monastery seem to have been carried away and used in public buildings in Denmark, for it is known that, in 1643, as many as 518 hewn soapstones were sent from Selje and Lysekloster to Copenhagen. The most conspicuous of the still existing remains is the Church of St. Alban, of which the tower, 46 feet high, is still standing, close to the Fjord. The foundations can still be traced of the nave, 85 feet long, besides the tower. The remains also of the courtyard, refectory, and storehouse can be made out. Between this last and the other buildings there was a little beck, which *Not that this coast has never heard a cannon shot. On July 22, 1810, the English frigates Belvidere, 36, Capt. Byron, and Nemesis, 28, Capt. Ferris, being inshore of Stadt, sent their armed boats to cut out the gunboats Balder, Lieut. Dahlrup, and Thor, Lieut. Rasmussen, of two long 24-pounders and 45 men each, and a third, of one 24-pounder and 25 men. The two larger boats were taken, and the smaller was run ashore and abandoned, and then burned by the English, who it is plain were in far stronger force than their opponents. About rises in the spring of St. Sunnefa. a hundred yards to the east of St. Albans' Church and monastery, near the spring, and 128 feet higher up on the fjeld side, are the remains of St. Sunnefa's Church, which must have been very small, the internal dimensions of the nave being 24 feet by 15, with a chancel 11 feet square. It stands on a made terrace, whence one has a splendid view of the open sea, and on the right, of the projecting mass of Stadt. From the church a flight of steps leads first to a chamber, 23 feet long by 14, in the overhanging rock, called "Sunnivahiller" in the Saga, which rock forms a sloping roof to both the stairs and the chamber, adjacent to which is the larger of the two caves, 12 feet deep, 20 wide, and 7 high. From this, a flight of steps led, it seems, to a second chamber, and from this to the inner cave, at the western end of which was found an altar 4 feet high. These caves, when cleared out some years ago by Capt. Krefting were nearly filled with the dung of the island's sheep and goats, which had for generations used them for shelter. I may add that Captain Krefting's account of his survey of the ruins, which I have here abridged, is, with its accompanying plans, a model of completeness, accuracy, and clearness. The museum at Bergen contains a few things discovered among the ruins in Selje, though of no great interest. Among them is a silver coin of either Edward I., II., or III. of England, and a picture of Sunnefa from the church at Graven. In the museum at Christiania are several more such pictures, all from the west coast. She is commonly represented standing, sometimes with, sometimes without, a crown, and with a piece of rock in her hands. F. C. PENROSE. The Funeral of the Old Pretender. AMES FREDERIC EDWARD STUART, commonly known as the Chevalier de Saint George, died in Rome on the first day of the year 1766. For some years before he had been suffering greatly from indigestion; even so far back as 1756 we find a letter bearing date March 24, from Pope Benedict XIV., which gave him leave, owing to his great infirmities, to take a restorative after the midnight preceding the taking of the Holy Communion; and now, at the age of seventy-seven "James III. of Great Britain of glorious memory," passed away in the "full odour of sanctity." His body was opened and embalmed, and then dressed in his usual garb, and exposed for four days to public gaze in the antechamber of the "Royal Palace," which was hung with black cloth, lace, and cloth of gold; on a bier with a golden coverlet, edged with black velvet, lay the corpse, under a canopy around which numerous candles burnt. James Stuart had expressed a wish for a private funeral, and to be allowed to repose by the side of his deceased wife, Maria Clementina, who had been buried some months before in the Church of the Twelve Apostles in Rome. But Henry Stuart, the Cardinal Duke of York, the deceased's second son, and Pope Clement XIII. deemed it unseemly that the representative of the lost papal hold on England should be laid aside thus obscurely, and orders were given by the Pope for a funeral to be held befitting the rank and claims of the de ceased. On the 6th of January, the body of his "Britannic Majesty" was conveyed in great State to the said Church of the Twelve Apostles, preceded by four servants carrying torches, two detachments of soldiers; and by the side of the bier walked twenty-four grooms of the stable with wax candles; the body of the deceased was dressed as before, and borne by nobles of his household, with an ivory sceptre at its side, and the Orders of SS. George and Andrew on the breast. On the 7th, the first funeral service took place, in the Church of the Twelve Apostles. The façade of the church was hung with black cloth, lace, and golden fringe, in the centre of which was a medallion, supported by skeletons with cypress branches in their hands, and bearing the following inscription : Clemens XIII. Pont. Max. Jacobo III. M. Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Regi. On entering the church, another great inscription to the same purport was to be seen; the building inside was draped in the deepest black, and on a bier covered with cloth of gold, lay the corpse, before which was written in large letters : Jacobus III. Magnæ Britanniæ Rex. On either side stood four silver skeletons on pedestals, draped in black cloth, and holding large branch candlesticks, each with three lights. At either corner stood a golden perfume box, decorated with death's heads, leaves and festoons of cypress. The steps to the bier were painted in imitation marble, and had pictures upon them representing the virtues of the deceased. Over the whole was a canopy ornamented with crowns, banners, death's heads, gilded lilies, &c.; and behind, a great cloth of peacock colour with golden embroidery, and ermine upon it, hung down to the ground. Over each of the heavily draped arches down the nave of the church were medallions with death's head supporters, and crowns above them, representing the various British orders and the three kingdoms of England, Ireland, and Scotland; and on the pilasters were other medallions, supported by cherubs, expressing virtues attributed to the deceased, each with an inscription, of which the following is an instance: Rex Jacobus III. vere dignus imperio, quia natus ad imperandum: dignus quia ipso regnante virtutes imperassent: dignissimus quia sibi imperavit. On the top of the bier, in the nave, lay the body, dressed in royal garb of gold brocade, with a mantle of crimson-velvet, lined and edged with ermine, a crown on his head, a sceptre in his right hand, an orb in his left. The two Orders of SS. George and Andrew were fastened to his breast. Pope Clement regretted his inability to attend the funeral, owing to the coldness of the morning, but he sent twenty-two cardinals |