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little reafon to juftify fuch conduct, whether the Americans fhould declare themselves independent or only unfubdued.

I have always thought it expedient for government to treat with the congrefs, because it is eafier to explain differences to a dozen of people, than to three millions. Confidering them as meffengers from a vaft body of fubjects, I think they fhould be treated with, liftened to, and answered; neither could the employing of them as peace-makers, upon constitutional principles, be eftablishing their authority to rule over their fellow-fubjects; or poffibly confine the injuries done to all Americans, merely to the perfons of the Congrefs; therefore their virtues or their vices I neither praife nor cenfure; for I contend that the arbitrary maxims adopted, and obstinately perfifted in by government, was the fole origin of the civil war, and to this day prevents the re-establishment of peace. I am very far from attributing fo general a revolt to the ingenious abilities of a few very private gentlemen. Reftore upon a folid basis the faith of this nation towards the inhabitants of that great continent; give up fuch measures as are only confiftent with narrow minds, court-juntos, and defpotic principles; defift from perfecutions which had lighted up a fpirit of refentment fufficient to warm the hearts of three millions of fubjects, the congrefs would then foon fink into their original ftation of private citizens.

I judge the minifters to be dangerous fervants to the state, not only by their repeated arbitrary declarations, but by ftrong facts which have arifen out of their own conduct, and which they dare the fubject to counteract. The war is theirs, and the peace is to be theirs. We have charters to defend our liberties, and fo once had the Americans; and there is more to be apprehended from fuch minifters, when in profperity, than adverfity. Therefore it is our duty to look to the ufe that will be made of the boafted victories, before we are in love with the found of them. I look upon legions of conquerors, and legions of tax-gatherers, in a very different light, the former they wifely hold up for our admiration, but the latter fuits their views, their principles, and determinations. To be feparated for ever from America, endangers our liberties and the happiness of every individual in this kingdom, much lefs than giving to the crown the rights and free privileges of fubjects, who must become more numerous than ourfelves. I therefore contend, that the attempts of government to claim a right of oppreffing the fubject, fituated however diftant from the capital, or varnished over with any

pretence

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pretence whatsoever, ought to be oppofed for the good of the whole empire, For there can be no natural divifions, no flavish distinctions conftituted amongst us, without its ending in destroying the freedom of the whole. The fame motives which might induce a king to fide with us to enflave and opprefs the Americans, may find a King to watch their growing ftrength, and then fide with that people to reduce us to an ignominious level with themselves. Had the friends of liberty been fewer in numbers and ftrength, than thofe bred up in popery and Tory principles, during the reign of James the Second, that monarch had been abfolute. It was an injured people firmly bound together that fhewed ftrength fufficient to drive that tyrant from the throne, and fecured to us those rights of mankind which adds dignity to human nature; under which the whole empire flourished; and till we are a divided people all Kings will look upon our liberties with jealoufy, but not with contempt.

The fhadow of a pretence was at laft thrown out, that terms of peace had been offered [by Lord Howe's proclamatión] upon conftitutional principles, but when the motion made by a noble Lotd [Lord J. Cavendish] to afcertain the fact, was taken into parliamentary confideration, the mask of ftate hypocricy, was thrown off, and the Tory features of government's inftruction to the commiffioners fully expofed.

The pretended delicacy of treating with the congrefs, was equally an impofition upon mens understanding; for there are no proper perfons to treat with, when you have nothing to offer! And furely if bribing a few, and condemning the reft to vaffalage, upon pain of death, can be conftrued conftitutional terms of peace, they were extracted from the Heffian, not the English laws.

I own, Sir, I feel for the Americans; if our boafted force of arms can drive them to look up to thofe minifters for mercy and redress, who have plundered and betrayed them, and whofe first proof of integrity confifts in declaring, they will not bind themselves to do one act of juftice towards that country. Such, fairly ftated, is implied by unconditional fubmiffion; terms, not only unworthy the injured Americans to liften to, but fuch as ought to ftrike every Englishman with indignation; to hear a language held for our gracious Sovereign, more becoming fome conquering tyrant and ufurper, than the father of his people, and the fworn affertor of the laws, [vide coronation oath.]

I muft

1

Mr. Cornwall.

I muft obferve, that the new titles and favours beftowed on the fupporters of this war, are not marks to discern the wellwifhers towards America; neither can much clemency and protection be expected from thofe members who have been most expert at teaching us that pleasantry is preferable to humanity; that loyalty confifts in rifking the lofs of half an empire, by acts of violence and oppreffion; or have distinguifhed themselves by jefting over fcenes, which from their horrors and injuftice, even the favage Indian may have shed

a tear upon.

Such men and fuch measures I have oppofed, and truft that I have stated fufficient grounds of juftification, for the ftrongeft oppofition to a war, which evidently appears to have for its principle object, arbitrary power, fupported by private avarice, and ambition; not public fpirit, I may add not loyalty; for though the language of tyranny may flatter the paffions of a monarch, and gain fome earldoms and fome contracts, yet, Sir, the loyal language of a Briton to his Sovereign ought to confift in the welfare and affections of his fubjects, which cannot be feparated from his views, without making life a burthen to himself as well as to them.

I fhall always wish to addrefs myself with proper refpect towards every member here; confcious that were the fame individuals affembled in any other House, than a House of Parliament, no man would take his station amongst them with more humility than I would; but in this public caufe, when the unjuft maffacre of thousands of fellow fubjects, whose lives ought to have been held as facred as our own, calls aloud for redress; and when the refult of our unrelenting councils, may be graven on the tombs of thousands more, it is a time to speak a plain and determined language; therefore if I fhould deviate a little from etiquette, I flatter myself the importance of the object will plead my excufe; that object is peace and commerce with America, which cannot be obtained by unconditional fubmiffion, nor by these deteftable repeated acts of violence, hatred and oppreffion, but rather by dropping the point of the bloody fword, untill America fhall refufe the olive branch, placed on a constitutional code of laws, fuch as is neither unworthy the Americans to live under, nor of Great Britain to offer.

Mr. Cornwall, to explain, faid without his amendment, a perfon had only to take a paffage of a few hours to enable him to give the rebels in America every affiftance in his power,

and

and return again to this country, without a poffibility of controul or detection, by any means fhort of legal proof.

;

Mr. Serjeant Adair condemned the principle of the bill at Mr.Serjeant large, and congratulated the learned gentleman who moved Adair. the claute, on the truth of his predictions, for he had at length produced two events equally worthy of observation he had caufed the difference of opinion among the crown lawyers, to be made manifeft, and caufed the mafque to be drawn afide, and the intentions of the framers of the bill to be publickly expofed in all their naked deformity.

Mr. Burrel.

Mr. Burrel spoke a few words in favour of the bill. Right Hon. T. Townshend faid, it was neither unusual nor Rt. Hon. uncommon to debate bills on the third reading: nay, even to T. Townfbend. add clauses, by way of rider, after the principle of the bill had received the approbation of both Houses. He could not therefore conceive on what ground the learned gentleman [the Attorney General] could feem furprised, at what, which if not every day's practice, was nevertheless the conftant practice and ufage of Parliament. As to the bill itself, it was no wonder that gentlemen fhould be ftaggered when the crown lawyers were known to have differed fo materially in opinion. Men not bred to the profeffion of the law, ought to reflect and confider feriously what they were about to do; when the very learned gentleman [Mr. Morton] who came with the beft difpofitions to fupport the meafure, ftopped fhort, and refused to go the length that other gentlemen, perhaps not lefs learned, but more fanguine, were willing to do. In fuch a state of things, and diverfity of opinion, he hoped the House would again confider the very extenfive and unprecedented powers meant to be lodged in the hands of the crown by this bill; and if they fhould think the principle of the bill neceffary to be fupported, that they would agree to the claufe offered by his learned friend, at leaft to the amendment propofed by the honourable gentleman on the Treasury Bench.

Mr. Vyner faid he did not intend to fpeak in the debate; yet Mr. Vyner. when he confidered the very great and fingular importance of the queftion now before the Houfe, he could not content himfelf with giving a filent vote; he fhould, therefore, say a few words on the occafion, to declare his hearty and entire approbation of the claufe offered by the learned gentleman [Mr. Dunning] near him. He was always ready, he trusted no man in that House more fo, to fupport adminiftration when they were right. He hoped his fentiments, particularly refpecting American affairs, were fufficiently known; but accor

I

ding

Ld. North.

ding to the prefent appearance of things, according to the avowed and oftenfive motives urged for paffing this bill, he was yet to learn on what reafonable or even plaufible ground administration could refuse the claufe, much lefs the amendment. He wished, however, before he fat down, to be perfectly understood, that his opinion respecting the present bill, did not at all interfere or affect his general fentiments refpecting the prefent unnatural rebellion raging in America.

Lord North rose to exculpate administration from having an intention of introducing any unconftitutional precedents, or of defiring any powers to be entrusted either to the crown or them, which could be employed to oppreffive or bad purpose. In aniwer to Mr. Fox, he affured the Houfe, that he had received no account of any foreign ftate having affifted America with arms, or any kind of naval or military ftores. He believed the contrary to be the cafe, and must have heard if they had. Probably enough, the French and Dutch merchants, as objects of commercial profit, may have fupplied the colonies, and been guilty of this fpecies of prohibited commerce; but he imagined, he might fay with certainty, that no traffic of this kind had been carried on under the fanction of either of the powers mentioned, or indeed by any other. He obferved, that great objections had been made to the powers now intended to be delegated. He was forry that fuch a jealoufy fhould be entertained at any fide of the Houfe. He was certain that they fell confiderably fhort of thofe granted on fimilar occafions; at all events, imagined that the claufe, as offered to be amended by his honourable friend near him, would completely remove every folid ground of objection.

Mr. Adam. Mr. Adam in favour of the bill, as it ftood before the claufe

was moved. He coincided intirely in opinion with the Attorney General, that the claufe was not wanting; and that even without it, the bill did not go far enough; that the present critical ftate of affairs rendered it neceffary; that the moft ample and decifive clear powers, fhould be vested in the crown, in order to crufh and eradicate the unnatural and unprovoked rebellion now raging in America. He contended, that the powers now fought,fhould have been applied for much earlier, and affirmed, if they had, that the war we were now unhappily waging, with our own fubjects, would have been long fince extinguished. Indecifive meafures, indecifively, executed, were the leading characteristics of the prefent adminiftration, at leaft, of fome, who had power and influence

enough,

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