would have been more effectual, than a ridiculous attempt at a treaty, overlaid by abfurd forms and idle punctilio. He turned from this, to what he called another important fubject, the tremendous appearance of a war in Europe, and told the Houfe in a moft peremptory tone, that a war of the moft ferious kind threatened this country, a war from the united powers of France and Spain. That the attack would fhortly be made, and made within the hearing of those who then fat in the House. A laugh arifing from the oppofite benches, the Colonel obferved with fome warmth, Gentlemen may laugh, but I dare aver, that those who laugh now, will, in the moment of danger, be lying, in tears, on their backs, like cowards. He then declared, that France was full two months before-hand with us in preparation, that we were, in fact, defencelefs, unable to make any refiftance fhould the foon begin; that the noble Lord fhifted his ground fo often, that there was no dependence on his information; that even now he had faid, he relied on the prefent affurances of the pacific intentions of France, but that he did not know how foon she might alter her intention. Lord North declared, that he firmly believed the court of Ld. North. Versailles but as he was no prophet, he would not answer for events fix months hence. He complained of having his words watched, and thrown perpetually in his teeth. Col. Barré declared he ever would watch the minifter; that Col. Barré, it was extraordinary, indeed, if the noble Lord high in office, and the oftenfible minifter, expected his words would not be watched; he protefted he would continue to watch him, and report his words on every fit occafion. The minifter of this country, he faid, ought always to have information fufficient of what the French were about to undertake, to promise for fix months; if he could not, his neck ought to be brought to the block. The fituation of the affairs of this country, he faid, was awful, alarming, and tremendous: he fpoke it, he faid, with fear and trembling, but this country feemed to be near the crisis of her fate; he advised the treafury-bench, therefore, to look about them, and as there was one question which demanded an immediate anfwer, he would then put it: Had the King's minifters information of a particular fpecies of armament preparing by the French in those ports of France which were immediately oppofite, and nearest to this kingdom? The queftion, he trufted, was clear and comprehenfive. He put it roundly, and it required imme1 VOL. VI. G diate -diate explanation. If it was not answered, the filence of the miniftry would operate in his mind as fully as any answer they could give; if they had not the neceffary information, they were not fit for their pofts, and ought to hold them no longer. He entered into the state of our naval power, fumming up the number of men of war in our ports, and the guard-fhips, which he declared had none of them their compliment of men on board, although the noble Lord had faid, they were nearly manned. [Here he was again interrupted, Lord North having faid partly manned.] He afferted, that we were by no means a match for the united force of France and Spain. He recommended to the miniftry, at any rate to make up matters with America; he obferved we had in the last war 12,000 feamen from America, who would now, fhould France attack us, be fighting against us; that all the ufeful part of our navy was on the coafts of America; in fact, that matters were fo bad, that unavoidable ruin hovered over this devoted country. Recall, therefore, he faid, your fleets and armies from America, and leave the brave colonists to the enjoyment of their liberty. This created a louder laugh than the former among the occupiers of the feveral official benches; which irritated the Colonel fo much, that he reprehended the treafury-bench in terms of great afperity; he arraigned them with a want of manners, and declared, he thought profeffed courtiers had been better bred. He then again denounced vengeance, and after a thousand repetitions of the danger of our prefent fituation, he bid the miniftry appoint proper officers; the fleet, he faid, ought to be commanded by a brave man then in the Houfe, an Admiral who had once already faved his country; the Admiral he meant was his honourable friend near him, Admiral Keppel; he faid, he knew he was out of order in naming a member, but on fuch an occafion he thought himself juftified in mentioning fo brave an officer.. Ad. Keppel. At length having held up a moft tremendous picture of impending mischief to his country, he repeated his queftion to the treasury-bench, and fat down, deploring the infatuation of government, and afferting, that a majority of votes in that Houle would never conquer France and Spain, however they might procure the minifter a momentary triumph, and make him a welcome gueft at St. James's. Admiral Keppel faid, that things had an extreme difagree able appearance. He afferted, from the most authentic information, that Spain had twenty-five ships of the line, but believed them them to be ill-manned with marines. In refpect to France, it was otherwife. Their regifters commanded feamen, and their military force was known to be fufficient to furnish any number of men, they might want, to ferve on board their fhips of war. He concluded with lamenting, in cafe of a rupture with France or Spain, the abfence of that useful and neceffary part of our naval force, our frigates and floops of war. : Lord George Germaine. I rife to explain a few circum Ld. George ftances which have been demanded for information; I fhall Germaine. give all the fatisfaction in my power, not fpeaking from notes. Relative to the ftate of our armament, the right honourable gentleman is much mistaken in faying the twentythree fhips are not half manned. They want, Sir, only 1500 men of their full complement, and twelve are fully manned fo that there are no reafons for thofe numerous and great apprehenfions, which the right honourable Gentleman has ftated fo largely. As to the propofitions which General Howe made to General Washington, they prove clearly, as the Americans themselves ftate the matter, that General Howe was eager for the means of peace and conciliation ; but Washington against them. However, General Howe will doubtlefs be able to put New-York at the mercy of the King; after which, the legislature will be restored, and an -opportunity will thereby be given for the well affected to declare themfelves, who are ready to make proper fubmiffion. Sir Peter Parker's expedition failed, from arriving too late; I am not answerable for its fuccefs, for it was planned before I came into the office. I had affurances from Lord Cornwallis and General Clinton of this, that had not unavoidable delays happened, the force would have proved fufficient. The conduct of the war in Canada aliò has been reprobated for want of boats; all poffible' expedition has been used in building them, but it has taken longer time than I expected, and the embarking upon the lake has neceffarily been delayed beyond the time intended. I am farther afked, what are the numbers of the armies in America? Sir, the number of that under General Howe is 25,000, and he will be reinforced by 5000 more, which are near the American coaft by this time. He has befides about 2000 provincials, and will probably have more. The army in Canada is 11,000, and perhaps three or four hundred, which is the full complement for that department, if not a little more. There has been no cartel fettled. There can be none; but the G 2 com Mr. Fox. commanders in chief have agreed upon an exchange of fome prifoners, man for man. Another question is, whether adminiftration knows any thing of particular preparations on the coaft of France? I have asked the noble Lord by me, [Lord North] and he knows nothing of any fuch---nothing farther than what is neceffary for conducting the registered feamen to Breft---nor have I any intelligence of that fort. And now, Sir, having replied to thefe queries, permit me to make one remark on the House of Bourbon's fuppofed defign of affifting the Americans, by going to war with us, I can give no credit to this idea, and my reafon is, because it would be manifeftly against their intereft. How well do you fuppofe would thofe countries like to have the spirit of independence cross the Atlantic? Would they not fear that their own colonists would catch fire at the unlimited rights, of mankind,---would they not like that language better than digging gold? And would not there arise great danger from powerful independent ftates being fo near them, freed from all controul from Europe.---I cannot believe, Sir, that they would be fo blind to their own interefts. Mr. Fox faid, that every circumftance that had fallen out in America, was one aggregate proof, that oppofition had been right laft feffion in every one of their prophecies, and in every motive they had laid down as the cause of their conduct :---that nothing could be fo farcical as calling for unanimity, in approving measures, because those measures had been uniformly attended with the mischiefs that had been predicted--that inftead of applause and approbation, adminiftration deserved nothing but reproach---for having brought the Americans into fuch a fituation, that it was impoffible for them to pursue any other conduct than what they had purfued. He went into the independence declared by America, The Americans had done no more than the English had done against James the Second. When James went out of the kingdom, the English declared the throne to be abdicated, and chose another king. When the late fevere laws were paffed against the Americans, they were thrown into anarchy; they declared we had abdicated the government, and therefore they were at liberty to chufe a government for themselves. He He was aftonished at the fenfe which the noble Lord in the blue ribband put upon his conciliatory motion. affirmed, that the motion contained no fuch propofition as that now afferted by the noble Lord, nor could fuch a conftruction ftruction be put upon any words in the motion. He defired the motion might be read. It was read, as follows: "Refolved, February 27, 1775"That when the governor, council, and affembly, or general court, of any of his Majefty's provinces or colonies in America, fhall propofe to make provifion, according to the condition, circumftances, and fituation, of fuch province or colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence (fuch proportion to be raised under the authority of the general court, or general affembly, of fuch province or colony, and difpofable by parliament) and fhall engage to make provifion alfo for the fupport of the civil government, and the adminiftration of juftice, in fuch province or colony, it will be proper, if fuch propofal fhall be approved by his Majefty and the two Houfes of parliament, and for fo long as fuch provifion fhall be made, accordingly, to forbear, in refpect of fuch province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or affeffment, or to impofe any farther duty, tax, or affeffment, except only fuch duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or to impofe for the regulation of commerce; the nett produce of the duties laft-mentioned to be carried to the account of fuch province or colony refpectively. Well, Sir, is it not clear, that no fuch propofition was held out by the motion? and is it not extraordinary, that every body fhould understand the motion, but the author of it?— As to the noble Lord who spoke laft, priding himself on a legiflature being re-established in New-York, it is the higheft abfurdity.---Who can fuppofe, that, with an army of 30,000 men there, a legiflature will not be found that hall exprefs juft that fpecies of law and liberty which the other noble Lord wishes to establish in America, and which kings may naturally be fuppofed to wish to flow from popular affemblies. Sir, it has been very well faid, that the fpeech is an hypocritical one; and in truth there is not a little hypocrify in fuppofing, that a king (I except his prefent Majefty, who really loves liberty;) but that a common king fhould be folicitous to establish any thing that depended on a popular affembly. Kings, Sir, govern by means of popular affemblies, only becaufe they cannot do without them; to fuppofe a king fond of that mode of governing, is to fuppose a chimera.---It cannot exift---it is contrary to the nature of things---and it is hypocrifv to advance it. But, Sir, if this happy time of law and liberty is to be reftored to America, why, Sir, was it ever difturbed? It reigned there |