Mr. Wedderburne.

it was impoffible to expect from the prefent Parliament, as they had fo frequently refused any motion, overture, or propofition, tending even that way. He finished with obferving, that the commiffioners, especially Lord Howe, were known to be friends to conciliation; and for that reason, were not sent out till fo late in the feafon, that government knew the Americans muft have declared for independency, before they arrived. He declared it, as his firm opinion, that there could be no peace in America, without a complete relinquishing on our part of the claim of taxation; that the Congrefs might well call the propofitions of the court of Great Britain infiduous, if the Houfe of Commons refused to fupport the declaration of the commiffioners. That the expreflions in the declaration were complained of as not being clear; but that whenever an expreffion was represented as not clear, the act accompanying it must be taken as its commentary. If then, the declaration in question is not clear, how muft America understand it, when by the vote of this Houfe, this day, fhould the noble Lord's motion be negatived, they shall plainly perceive, that the Commons of Great Britain had peremptorily refufed to concur in rendering his Majesty's gracious difpofitions effective.

Mr. Wedderburne. The reafons which have been given, Mr. Speaker, for agreeing to the prefent motion, are, I muft confefs, fuch as by no means convince me. I have not a doubt but the noble Lord who made it, wishes for nothing fo much, as to accelerate the means of peace ;---and my reafon for oppofing it is, that I think it would effectually mar the whole defign. It is at prefent in the hands of the commiffioners, regularly in the common and natural courfe of bufinefs; but to comply with this motion would be at once to take it out of their hands, and to raise jealoufies in the Americans, at the defigns or powers of those commiffioners. Such a conduct here, might be productive of the worst confequences.---It might, in the firft inftance, be deemed an act of fubmiffion on our part, not of favour in condefcenfion to those, who look upon themselves as a fovereign state, and actually deny our authority. It would difcredit the commiffioners, and throw difficulties in the way of the negotiation, now probably begun; because, by giving them the prefent propofed fanction, it would point out that they were not before armed with parliamentary powers, adequate to the profeffed objects of their commiffion. On the other hand, it may be productive of evil, as it compels us to give the

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propofition a negative, which is far from being the difpofition of the House, when America fhall acknowledge the fupreme legislative right of this country, and by fuch acknowledgment, lay a juft conftitutional claim to our favour and protection. Let it be confidered what is the prefent fituation of the Colonies? They are in a state of declared independency :---Would you admit that independency, or treat with them as independent ftates ?--- Or could you confiftently with common sense and prudence, revife acts by way of obliging those, whofe principal object at present is not fuch revifion, but to render themselves free from all connection with you as their fuperiors? It has been obferved, that the King has anfwered too much for the legiflature of this kingdom in the expreffions of the proclamation in queftion.---It appears to me very different, Sir.---His Majefty there speaks only as the head and mouth of the nation, and the legiflature, by affuring them, that the legislative power is ready and willing to hear their grievances, and revife any of their acts which may prove grievances. To think the words of the proclamation mean any thing elfe, is to torture them ftrangely. Relative to thefe grievances, what are they which we can enter into a revifion of? The principal that have been mentioned to-day, are, taxation and their charters :---And would you enter upon the queftion of taxation by way of a means of reconciliation ?---Impoffible !---There is at present but one point which must be fettled as a preliminary; it is that of independency; if they adhere, as I have no doubt they will to that, there can be no difcuffion of other points; it is in vain to think of it. And as to their charters, they are not at all the question at present, for reftore their charter of King William, will they be fatisfied? No. They are as unwilling to fubmit to the terms of those charters, as to the Bofton acts.---they openly declare this. Hence, therefore, may fairly and reasonably affert, that till the fpirit of independency is fubdued, it is idle to come to any refolutions or revifions, as means of conciliation. Take the fword out of the hand of the governing part of America, and I have not a doubt but a very confiderable part of that country will return to its obedience with as much rapidity as it revolted. Is it poffible, that gentlemen can give their attention fo much to one fide of the queftion, and read one fide only, fo as to imagine the Americans are fo free under their prefent government, as to have any reason to wifh for a continuance of it? The very contrary is the fact; the Congress VOL. VI.

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Mr. Burke.

does not govern America --it tyranizes over it; the power and punishment of imprisonment as practifed there, are tyrannical to the highest degree, and utterly inconfiftent with every idea of freedom. The liberty of the prefs is annihilated; a printer that dared to print any thing contrary to their fyftem and interefts, would be inftantly ruined---nor is even the freedom of private letters, or private converfation, permitted; deftruction hangs over the man who vertures to write, or exprefs a fentiment in oppofition to their opinions. This horrid tyranny is what we may rationally hope to be fo far diffolved, from the difference of the troops on both fides, as to enable the oppreffed tyrannized Americans, fafely to avow their real opinions, and to return without danger to their duty.---As to a point which the honourable gentleman much infifts on,---the defign in adminiftration of keeping the proclamation fecret,---it appears strange to me that any perfon fhould think of fuch a thing, unless from the mode of reafoning which he is fo ready to adopt, that having fo much folly in it, it is the more likely to be the work of this miniftry.---Folly indeed to make that a fecret, - which was pofted upon the walls of New York; and this Í think is reafon enough why it was not inferted in the Gazette---there was no call for it. I fhould afk the House pardon, for having troubled them fo long upon matters which appear to me of little confequence; but before I fit down, I fhould remark, that it appears a very fudden and unexpected way of bringing in a debate, after it was fo generally underftood that no bufinefs of any confequence was to come on in the House before the recefs ;---but as I was not at the Opera laft night, where this manoeuvre was planned, I must be excufed if I have not treated it in all its parts in the manner fome might expect.

Mr. Burke. Rejoiced I am, that the learned gentleman has regained, if not his talent, at least his voice; that as he would not, or could not reply the other night, to my honourable friend, charmed as he must have been with the powerful reafoning of that eloquent speech, he had the grace to be filent. On that memorable occafion he lay proftrate on the oblivious pool, confounded and afiouned, though called upon by the whole fatanic hoft: he lay proftrate, dumb-founded and unable to utter a fingle fyllable, and fuffered the goads of the two noble Lords to prick him till he fcarcely betrayed a fingle fign of animal or mental fenfibility. Why, Sir, would he not be filent now,---inftead of attempting to anfwer, what in truth

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was unanswerable? But the learned gentleman has now called to his affiftance, the bayonets of 12,000 Heffians; and as he thinks it abfurd to reafon at prefent with the Americans, he tells us, that by the healing, foothing, merciful measures of foreign fwords, at the breafts of those unhappy people, their understandings would be enlightened, and they would be enabled to comprehend the fubtilties of his logic. It was well faid, on another occafion, that your fpeech demands an army! ---and I may fay, that the learned gentleman demands blood; reasoning he fays is vain ;---the fword must convince America, and clear up their clouded apprehenfions. The learned gentleman's abilities furely defert him, if he is obliged to call fuch a coarse argument as an army to his affiftance ;---not that I mean any thing reflecting on his parts--I always esteem, and fometimes dread, his talents. But has he told you why commiffioners were not fent fooner to America? Has he explained that effential point? Not a jot. Why, after the act pafs'd for them, why were they delayed full feven months, and not permitted to fail till May; and why was the commiffion appointing them delayed till the 6th of that month? ---Anfwer this. The blood and devaftation that followed, ' was owing to this delay; upon your confcience it ought to lay a heavy load. If the measure was right, and neceffary in order for conciliation, as the King declared in his speech at the opening of that feffion, why was it not executed at a time, in which it could be effectual; inftead of being purposely deferred to one, when it could not poffibly answer any end but that of adding hypocrify to treachery, and infult and mockery to cruelty and oppreffion. By this delay you drove them into the declaration of independeney; not as a matter of choice, but neceffity ;---and now they have declared it, you bring it as an argument to prove, that there can be no other reasoning ufed with them, but the fword: what is this but declaring, that you were originally determined not to prevent, but to punish rebellion; not to ufe conciliation, but an army: not to convince, but to deftroy !---Such were the effects of thote feven months cruelly loft, to which every mischief that has happened fince, muft be attributed.

But ftill the learned gentleman perfifts, that nothing but the commiffioners can give peace to America;---it is beyond the power of this Houfe. What was the refult of the conference with the delegates from the Congrefs? Why, we are told, that they met in order to be convinced, that taxation is no grievance ;--no tyranny used to be the phrafe; but that is out

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of fashion now. Then, Sir, what an infult to all America, was it to fend as commiffioners, none but the commanders of the fleet and army to negociate peace.---Did it not shew how much you were determined, that the only arguments you meant to use, were your broad-fwords and broad-fides. Let me affert, Sir, that the doctrines to be laid down in America, would not have been too trivial an occafion, even for the reafoning abilities of the learned gentleman himself.---But, Sir, you may think to carry thefe doctrines into execution, and be mistaken too ;---the battle is not yet fought; but if it was fought, and the wreath of victory adorned your brow, ftill is not that continent conquered; witnefs the behaviour of one miferable woman, who with her fingle arm, did that, which an army of a hundred thousand men could not do---arrested your progrefs, in the moment of your fuccefs. This miferable being was found in a cellar, with her vifage befmeared and fmutted over, with every mark of rage, despair, refolution, and the most exalted heroifm, buried in combuftibles, in order to fire New-York, and perifh in its afbes;---fhe was brought forth, and knowing that she would be condemned to die, upon being asked her purpose, faid, to fire the city! and was determined to omit no opportunity of doing what her country called for. Her train was laid and fired; and it is worthy of your attention, how Providence was pleafed to make use of those humble means to ferve the American cause, when open force was used in vain.---In order to bring things to this unhappy fituation, did not you pave the way, by a fucceffion of acts of tyranny ;---for this, you fhut up their ports;---cut off their fifhery ;---annihalated their charters;---and governed them by an army. Sir, the recollection of these things, being the evident caufes of what we have seen, is more than what ought to be endured. This it is, that has burnt the noble city of New-York; that has planted the bayonet in the bofoms of my principals;---in the bofom of the city, where alone your wretched government once boafted the only friends fhe could number in America.---If this was not the only fucceffion of events you determined, and therefore looked for, why was America left without any power in it, to give fecurity to the perfons and property of those who were and wifhed to be loyal; ---this was effential to government; you did not, and might therefore be well faid to have abdicated the government.

I have been reading a work given us by a country, that is perpetually employed in productions of merit,---I believe it is not published yet;---the Hiftory of Philip the Second, and

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