WAR- an article in this peace, king Francis's two sons were disAbp. Cant. charged, who had been given as hostages for the performing НАМ, ing himself on his knees in the mire, received in that humble attitude these marks of his majesty's gracious disposition towards him. Lingard continues: "It is difficult to account for this conduct of Henry, unless we suppose that he still retained for his old favourite a feeling of partiality which neither the representations of his council nor the arts of his mistress could entirely extinguish. He continued to send the cardinal, from time to time, consoling messages, and tokens of his affection. When the court pronounced judgment against him, he took him under the royal protection; and when a bill of impeachment, enumerating forty-four real or imaginary offences, and signed by fourteen peers and the law officers of the crown, had been introduced into the house of commons, he procured it to be thrown out by the agency of Cromwell, who from the service of the cardinal had passed to that of the king. The French ambassador, unable to foresee what might be the issue of the struggle, advised his court to render to the fallen minister such good offices as, without giving cause of offence to the existing administration, might be gratefully remembered by Wolsey, if he should finally triumph over his enemies." Dr. Lingard says in a note, and with apparent correctness, “I ascribe rejection of the bill to the king, from the character of Cromwell and the general subserviency of the par. liaments in this reign. Cromwell would not have dared to oppose the bill, nor the commons to reject it, had they not received an intimation that such was the royal pleasure." In support of this reasonable argument, and in opposition to the more generous notion of Hume, that the defence was owing to the noble and bold gratitude of Cromwell, we must recollect, that this latter was a political adventurer, hardened in the most heartless school of politics, and was working his way into the favour of a king whom he knew to be singularly arbitrary and vindictive: and there is nothing in his subsequent character to warrant the giving him credit for so singular a sacrifice of his ambition to his honour or better feelings. As Dr. Lingard most judiciously observes, he most probably felt and understood that the king did not wish them to proceed to extremities against Wolsey, and therefore he might at once fulfil Henry's private wishes, and gain a reputation for generosity and fidelity in defending his fallen master. We continue the narration from Lingard: "At Esher Wolsey found himself destitute of the comforts, almost of the necessaries, of life. The comparison of his present with his past condition filled him with the most gloomy apprehensions; and the anguish of his mind rapidly consumed the vigour of his constitution. About Christmas he fell into a fever, which obstinately defied the power of medicine. When Henry heard of his danger, he exclaimed, God forbid that he should die; I would not lose him for twenty thousand pounds! He immediately ordered three physicians to Esher; repeatedly assured the cardinal of his unabated attachment, and, no longer concealing his anxiety from Anne Boleyn, compelled her to send to the sick man a tablet of gold, for a token of reconciliation. "As the agitation of Wolsey's mind subsided, the health of his body was restored : but his enemies had prepared for him a new conflict, and required of him additional sacrifices. The promises which had been made him were disregarded; and he was called upon to resign all his ecclesiastical preferments, except the bishoprics of York and Winchester. Out of the former the king annexed York-place, the town residence of the archbishops, to the crown for ever: the income of the latter, with the reservation of one thousand crowns to the cardinal, was shared among the duke of Norfolk, the viscount of Rocheford, and the friends of the ruling party: and in return Wolsey himself received a general pardon, and a release from all debts due to the crown for his maintenance since the day of his conviction. Henry had supplied him with money to pay parts of his debts, and with a quantity of plate, furniture, and provisions, valued at 63741. 3s. 7 d. "When he had assented to every demand, he was allowed to exchange Esher for Richmond, where he spent most of his time with the monks of the Charter-house. the capitulation at Madrid. The French king being obliged HENRY to the king of England, for the enlargement of his children, Still his vicinity to the court alarmed the jealousy of his enemies; and a peremptory order to reside within his archbishopric drove him, notwithstanding his entreaties and remonstrances, to a distance of two hundred miles. Henry, to soften the rigour of his exile, had recommended him in the warmest terms to the attention of the northern nobility; and Wolsey by his conduct and generosity quickly won their esteem. His thoughts seemed entirely devoted to the spiritual and temporal concerns of his station. On every Sunday and holiday he rode to some country church, celebrated mass in public, ordered one of his chaplains to preach to the people, and at the conclusion distributed alms to the poor. He made it his favourite employment to reconcile families at variance; a tedious and expensive office, as he frequently satisfied the injured or discontented party out of his own purse. Every gentleman in the county was welcome to his table, which was plentifully, though not extravagantly, supplied and in repairing the houses and buildings belonging to his see, he gave employment to three hundred workmen. The more he was known, the more he was beloved the men, to whom in prosperity he had been an object of hatred, applauded his conduct under adversity: and even at court his name was occasionally whispered with feelings of approbation. But the fear of offending Anne imposed silence on his friends: and his enemies were careful to paint all his actions to the king in false and odious colours. : "The cardinal had invited the nobility of the county to assist at his installation on the seventh of November; on the fourth he was unexpectedly arrested at Cawood on a charge of high treason. What was the particular charge alleged against him we know not; but the king asserted that his very servants had accused him of practising against the government both within and without the realm; and it is probable that the suspicion of Henry was awakened by the correspondence of the cardinal with the pope and the king of France. Wolsey betrayed no symptoms of guilt: the king had not, he maintained, a more loyal subject than himself, nor did he seek any other favour than to be confronted with his accusers. · "His health (he suffered much from the dropsy) would not allow him to travel with expedition and at Sheffield-park, a seat of the earl of Shrewsbury, he was seized with a dysentery, which confined him a fortnight. As soon as he was able to mount his mule, he resumed his journey: but feeling his strength rapidly decline, he said to the abbot of Leicester, as he entered the gate of the monastery, Father abbot, I am come to lay my bones among you.' He was immediately carried to his bed; and the second day seeing Kyngston, the lieutenant of the Tower, in his chamber, he addressed him in these well-known words: Master Kyngston, I pray you have me commended to his majesty; and beseech him on my behalf to call to mind all things that have passed between us, especially respecting good queen Catharine and himself; and then shall his grace's conscience know whether I have offended him or not. He is a prince of most royal courage: rather than miss any part of his will, he will endanger one-half of his kingdom; and I do assure you, I have often kneeled before him sometimes for three hours together to persuade him from his appetite, and could not prevail. And, Master Kyngston, had I but served God as diligently as I have served the king, he would not have given me over in my grey hairs. But this is my just reward for my pains and study, not regarding my service to God, but only my duty to my prince.' Having received the last consolations of religion, he expired the next morning (29th November, 1530), in the sixtieth year of his age. In the printed editions of Cavendish it is asserted that the cardinal poisoned himself, but Mr. Wordsworth has shown that it was an interpolation. The passage is not in the manuscript copies." His character is thus given by Hume : “Thus died this famous cardinal, whose character seems to have contained as singular a variety as the fortune to which he was exposed. The obstinacy and violence of the king's temper may alleviate much of the blame which some of his favourite's measures have undergone; and when we consider, that the subsequent part of Henry's reign was VOL. IV. K VIII. A. D. 1529. WAR- held on his correspondence, and acquainted the king with what Abp. Cant. passed at Cambray. Ld. Herbert, 229. Id. p. 292. ment called. In the beginning of November, this year, the king called a parliament. The lord Herbert observes, the Lutheran tenets A parlia had gained ground in several places of England; and that the Lutheranism common people began to question some of the received docgains ground trines, and fall off from implicit belief. On the other hand, in England. the leading churchmen thought all innovation dangerous, and that the fundamentals of religion might suffer this way. This conclusion, says the noble historian, was a fatal mistake. For, in the beginning of these debates, a little mitigation of rigour, a voluntary relaxation of some of the late doctrines of the Church of Rome, and a favourable construction of the rest, might have proved admirable expedients. By this means extremities might have been prevented, and the peace of Christendom preserved. For want of such moderate compliance Incompli the rupture followed. Now, separations commonly raise ill blood, and make the spirits turn eager. Divisions occasion disaffection; and, when prejudice and partialities run high, men lose their way in the controversy, and truth suffers in the contest; and, when books are ignominiously suppressed, and persons ruggedly treated for their dissent, as some were in England, the aversion is still more inflamed. These severities made the Lollards and Lutherans fall foul upon the clergy, and print invectives against the whole order. These remonstrances coming to the king's ear, made him inquire into matter of fact, and refer the grievances to the parliament. In the Complaints house of Commons several bills were brought in for relief of the exactions and against the exactions of the clergy: one was to moderate their of the clergy, demands for probate of wills; and another for the regulating ance and rigour wrong expedients. misconduct of mortuaries: they likewise complained of the plurality of much more criminal than that which had been directed by Wolsey's counsels, we shall be inclined to suspect those historians of partiality, who have endeavoured to load the memory of this minister with such violent reproaches. If in foreign politics he sometimes employed his influence over the king for his private purposes rather than his master's service, which he boasted he had solely at heart, we must remember that he had in view the papal throne; a dignity which, had he attained it, would have enabled him to make Henry a suitable return for all his favours. The cardinal of Amboise, whose memory is respected in France, always made this apology for his own conduct, which was in some respect similar to Wolsey's; and we have reason to think that Henry was well acquainted with the views by which his minister was influenced, and took a pride in promoting them. He much regretted his death when informed of it; and always spoke favourably of his memory: a proof that humour, more than reason, or any discovery of treachery, had occasioned the last persecutions against him." VIII. benefices, of non-residence, and churchmen being farmers of HENRY lands. This business did not pass without satirical remarks upon the mismanagement of the clergy. When these bills were sent into the house of Lords, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, delivered himself with some vehemence against the Commons. He told the lords that all heat and censure of this kind proceeded from want of faith; letting them know the danger the kingdom was in, by the fate of Bohemia. The lower house complained to the king of the bishop's speech, and moved for reparation. Fisher, to avoid the shock, explained himself to an inoffensive sense, and said, by those who wanted faith, he meant only the people of Bohemia. This construction the king ordered sir William Fitz Williams to report to the lower house. And thus, by his majesty's interposing, the matter was passed over. However, the affront, as it was counted, occasioned one of the members to make an odd speech upon the subject of religion. The bishop of Rochester had complained, that the charge of abuses upon the hierarchy proceeded from disaffection: and that nothing would content the Commons but pulling down the Church. From the bishop's calling the clergy the Church, this gentleman takes the rise of his speech. the house "Did the bishop of Rochester," says he, "and his party talk 4 speech in only in this manner, I should be the less concerned at the language. But since there are so many diversities of sects, so many concerning distinctions in religion, so many who enclose the true Church, and appropriate the privilege of catholic communion to themselves: since upon this claim, they both invite and menace to conformity, and press a resignation of our belief without hesitancy or scruple ;-these things considered, I shall crave leave to propose, how it is proper for us of the laity to manage ourselves: not that I pretend to be infallible in my expedient, or would settle my opinion for a rule of practice: but I conceive an affair of this nature is of the last importance, and therefore should be thoroughly debated. "I grant in all resolutions of moment, it is difficult to manage with temper, to stop at the right point, and keep off from running into extremes. The danger of a false step is still greater in religious matters: for here the path is narrow, the ground often slippery, and the precipices deep on either side. 46. WAR НАМ, And because the chief business of man's life, is to inquire into Abp. Cant. the means of being happy for ever, it is fit he should not resign himself to chance, but carefully compute upon the qualities and conduct of his spiritual guides. For those, who take this charge upon them, differ not only in ceremonies and circumstantials, but the main doctrines are sometimes opposite and inconsistent with each other. What then is to be done? Are we to deliver ourselves up to the first pretender, and take the religion of our country upon content? How can a man satisfy his conscience by being thus implicit? Let him but look abroad, and he will see the heaviest denunciations imaginable against his own belief. And yet amongst those who censure thus deeply, he will find persons of equal abilities with his own instructors. Now is it reasonable for him to believe, that God has confined truth and happiness to his single religion, and abandoned the rest of mankind? Especially, since all the world are descended from the same common ancestors, and equally related to God Almighty: is every man therefore bound to believe the priests of his communion, without trial or reserve? On the other hand, if he must argue for his faith, and dispute every inch of ground, what length of time is sufficient for the inquiry? What fatigue and expense must be gone through for satisfaction? How many languages must be learned, and authors turned over? How far must he run up into antiquity! How many systems and schemes of belief must he examine? How many expositions of doctrine must be compared? How many seeming contradictions reconciled? What distant countries must be travelled, and what hazards undergone upon this score? At this rate, a man must be always rambling, and in motion, to find out the right way into the other world. How then is he to manage himself? Is every thing, or nothing to be believed? To be indifferent to all sects, and close with all communions, is senseless and unaccountable. On the other side, to throw off all religion, is singular, wicked, and unsafe. To turn sceptic to this degree, is little short of distraction: for the most barbarous people are not without the worship of a supreme Being. The medium therefore, between these two extremes, is to search upon the main, and distinguish: not that we can reach the extent of each division, or go the whole length of the comparison. But notwithstanding the impracticableness of such an inquiry, yet every man may collect the more essen |