ternum, render it probable, that he outlived the tribuneship of his accusers; who meant to have drawn him back to his answer, if one of their colleagues (as one of them had power to hinder all the rest from proceeding) had not caused them to desist. Howsoever it was, the same tribunes went more sharply to work with L. Scipio the Asiatic. They propounded a decree unto the people, touching money received of Antiochus, and not brought into the common treasury, that the senate should give charge unto one of the prætors, to inquire, and judicially determine thereof. In favour of this decree an oration was made by Cato, the supposed author of these contentions, and instigator of the tribunes. He was a man of great, but not perfect virtue; temperate, valiant, and of singular industry; frugal also, both of the public, and of his own; so as in this kind he was even faulty: for though he would not be corrupted with bribes, yet was he unmerciful and unconscionable, in seeking to increase his own wealth, by such means as the law did warrant. Ambition was his vice; which being poisoned with envy, troubled both himself and the whole city whilst he lived. His mean birth caused him to hate the nobility, especially those that were in chief estimation. Neither did he spare to bite at such as were of his own rank, men raised by desert, if their advancement were like to hinder his: but lately before this, when Glabrio, whose lieutenant he had been at Thermopyle, was his competitor for the censorship, and likely to carry it, he took an oath against him, which was counted as no better than malicious perjury, That he had not brought into the common treasury some vessels of gold and silver, gotten in the camp of Antiochus. Now the hatred which he bore unto the Scipios grew partly (besides his general spite at the nobility) from his own first rising, wherein he was countenanced by Fabius Maximus, who brooked not the African; partly from some

check that was given unto himself in the African voyage, by P. Scipio, whose treasurer he then was; for when Cato did utter his dislike of the consul's bad husbandry, (judging magnificence to be no better,) in some peremptory manner, Scipio plainly told him, That he had no need of such double diligence in his treasurer.' Wherefore, either not caring what lies he published, or for want of judg ment thinking unworthily of the virtue that was far above him, Cato filled Rome with untrue reports against his general, whose noble deeds confuted sufficiently the author of such false tales. And thus began the hatred; which being not regarded, nor thought upon by the Scipios, whilst it was nourished by their enemy, broke out upon advantage, especially against L. Scipio, his brother being dead, or out of the way. A severe inquiry and judgment being appointed of purpose against Scipio, matters were so carried, that he was soon condemned in a sum of money far exceeding his ability to pay. For non-payment, his body should have been laid up in prison; but from this rigour of the law he was freed by Tiberius Gracchus, the same tribune who had caused the suit against the African to be let fall. In his estate,

which was confiscated to the use of the city, when there neither appeared any sign of his being beholden to Antiochus, nor was found so much as what he had been condemned to pay, then fell his accusers, and all whose hands had been against him, into the indignation of the people. But for this was L. Scipio no whit the better. His kindred, friends, and clients, made such a collection for him, as would have set him in better estate than before, if he had accepted it. He took no more than such of his own goods as were of necessary use, being redeemed for him by his nearest friends.

And thus began the civil war of the tongue, in the Roman pleadings, which had either not been, or not been much regardable, until now, since the

Punic war. Security of danger from abroad, and some want of sufficient employment, were especial helps to the kindling of this fire, which first caught hold upon that great worthy, to whose virtue Rome was indebted for changing into so great security her extreme danger. But these factious contentions did no long while contain themselves within heat of words, and cunning practice; for when the art of leading the multitude, in such quarrelsome business, grew to perfection, they that found themselves overmatched by their adversaries at this kind of weapon, began to make opposition, first with clubs and stones, afterwards with swords; and finally, proceeded from frays and murders in the streets unto battle in the open field. Cornelia, daughter of Scipio the African, a lady of rare virtue, that, in honour of her two sons, was more commonly named Mother of the Gracchi, saw those her two sons, whilst they were but young, slaughter'd in Rome, together with some of their friends, by those whom they opposed, and their death not revenged by order of law, but rather approved by the senate. At these times the senators began to take upon them authority more than was to them belonging. They conferred upon the consuls all the whole power of the city, under this form, Let the consuls provide, that the commonweal re'ceive no detriment.' By this decree of theirs, and by their proclaiming any citizen enemy to the state, they thought to have won a great advantage over the multitude. But after the death of C. Gracchus, and of Saturninus, a popular man, whom, by such authority, they did put out of the way, it was not long ere Marius, a famous captain of theirs, was so condemned; who, by force of arms, returned into the city, and murdered all the principal senators; whereupon began the civil wars, which giving unto Sylla, who prevailed therein, means to make himself absolute lord of Rome, taught Cæsar, a man of higher spirit, to affect and obtain the like sovereign power,

when by the like decree of the senate he was pro voked. It is true, that never any consul had finally cause to rejoice of his having put in execution such authority to him committed by the senate. But, as the fury of the multitude, in passing their laws, by throwing of stones, and other violence, made the city stand in need of a sovereign lord; so the vehemency of the senate, in condemning as enemies those that would not submit themselves, when they were overtopped by voices in the house, did compel Cæsar, or give him at least pretence, to right himself by arms; wherewith prevailing against his adversaries, he took such order, that neither senate nor people should thenceforth be able to do him wrong. So by intestine discord, the Romans consuming all or most of their principal citizens, lost their own freedom, and became subjects unto the arbitrary government of one; suffering this change in three generations, after this beginning of their insolent rule, wherein they took upon them, as the highest lords on earth, to do even what they listed. Yet had not Rome indeed attained hitherto unto complete greatness, nor believed of herself as if she had, whilst a king sat crowned on the throne of Alexander, continuing and upholding the reputation of a former empire. Wherefore, this consummation of her honour was thought upon betimes. How it was effected, the sequel will discover.

CHAP. VI.

THE SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR.

SECT. I.

The condition wherein those princes and estates remained, which were associates of the Romans, when the war with Antiochus was finished. The Romans quarrel with Philip. They deal insolently with the Achæans. The Macedonian, being unready for rar, obtains peace at Rome, by his son Demetrius, of whom, henceforth, he becomes jealous.

AFTER the overthrow of Antiochus, although Philip of Macedon, Eumenes king of Pergamus, the commonweal of the Achæans, and all other the states of Greece, were governed by the same laws and magistrates as they formerly had been, before the arrival of the Romans in those parts; yet in very truth (the public declaration excepted) they were none other than absolute vassals to the people of Rome. For of these five prerogatives belonging to a monarch, or unto sovereign power, in whomsoever it rest, namely, to make laws, to create magistrates, ⚫ to arbitrate peace and war, to beat money, and to ' reserve, (as the French call it) le dernier resort, or the last appeal,' the Romans had assumed four ;