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ness of their Mahomedan oppressors. Vainly were steps taken by my Government against new outrages unpunished and overlooked. The Ottoman Government gave solemn promises to us. Servians, after the infraction of obligations contracted with the Porte, we are not obliged to remain longer in the painful situation which formerly made us, combatants for liberty, patient on-lookers of these cruel misdoings, visibly intended to extirpate the Servian race. Full now is the measure of Turkish cruelties. We cannot look on with indifference now without humiliation, or remain further connected with a Government deriving its power from devastation, incendiarism, bloodshed, and manifesting fanatical insolence and threats. Although Servia behaves towards Turkey honourably, the Porte begins preparing new perils for our country, besides concocting secret conspiracies against our internal security. The Ottoman Foreign Minister threatens openly with innumerable means of injury without being formally at war with Servia. Servians, when the Porte assumes against us such a threatening tone, in a moment when she is pressed by an army of the strongest Power, it is evident that we cannot permit the present occasion to pass by without trying once more to secure our future. The struggle with our many centuries' foe was not finished with last year's war; it would be inglorious, unprofitable for us doing peaceable work not to try within the boundaries of our strength to remove threatening dangers for the Servian nation and not to fulfil our national task. And even if the brave Russian army could finish without our participation in this holy cause, which the Czar Alexander has taken under his protection, still nothing can exempt us from this duty which devolves upon every nation, and which Servia must fulfil if she will be true to herself. Great works, like the one undertaken by us last year, cannot remain half accomplished-that would be pusillanimous policy. Posterity would blame us, our martyr brethren would curse us, the blessed manes of heroes fallen in last year's war would rebuke us, if we were found indifferent while on our frontiers rivers of blood are being shed in fighting against the enemy, who has burned and devastated our fair and fertile country without provocation. Only by constant persistence can we finish what was nobly and courageously begun. If last year the enemy had superior forces to bring against the Servian Principality, to-day, entering the field, we find on our side the victorious Russian army, our heroic Montenegrin brethren, our brave Roumanian neighbours. We take up arms to-day for the holy national Christian cause. Following my grandfather's example, I place myself at the head of the armed Servian nation. On the banner which Obrenovitch the Fourth unfurls is written 'National Liberty,' 'Independence.' Under this banner you have already proved your patriotism and readiness to sacrifice all. Let us now fulfil the great national task which the old heroes of Takova so gloriously began, and which we renewed last year. Let us move forward alongside of the victorious banner of the Czar, the Libera

tor, with Christian faith in God Almighty, the Protector of right, and success is sure, in the name of the liberator of our oppressed brethren, our country's welfare, Servia's independence, and its heroic people. It is God's will."

Decrees were likewise issued proclaiming a state of siege and a state of war; the formation of military tribunals and courts-martial; that public functionaries would be dismissed if they agitated against the war; providing State help for the families of those killed in war, &c.

On December 15, the Servian troops, under the command of Generals Leschjanin and Benitzki, crossed the frontier. The entire Servian army was stated to be 140,000 strong, but this, it was said, must include, beside the army in the field (four army corps), every man who could be called in to defend the country against invasion. The forces under the generals already mentioned were, on December 19, to have taken the fortified position of Mramor, "notwithstanding a gallant resistance by the Turks." By the last accounts, published in December 1877, the Servians seemed to be making their presence felt, and to have made a great advance in the art of war. Since the peace of March 1877, their movements were reported as follows:

"On the Danube Ak Palanka has fallen into their hands, and they have thus isolated Widdin from the districts from which it might draw food on the southern bank of the Danube. On the northern side of the river the strong position which the troops of Prince Charles hold at Kalafat will prevent foraging parties from penetrating into Roumania. Nisch is not only surrounded, but its bombardment has commenced. Detachments from the corps directed against it have occupied Leskowitza and Kurchumli, where they have captured such a number of cattle and abundance of provisions as to render the troops engaged in the siege independent for some time of supplies drawn from Servia itself. These detachments have planted themselves many miles beyond Nisch on the road to Pirot, and, though the Servians are reported to have been repulsed in an assault upon Nichivar, the latest intelligence states that they were preparing to make a second attack. The military advisers of Prince Milan, probably on account of political reasons, seem inclined to press forward, and they will certainly in this case spare no means to ensure the speedy reduction of the strong places which their troops have been told off to besiege. On the fall of these fortresses the whole Servian army will be available to move forward and join the Russian divisions in their advance, and the Government of Belgrade may thus establish a claim to receive some substantial reward for its zeal and energy on the conclusion of the war."

A force of 30,000 Servians, with 120 guns, were investing Nisch, and a combined force of Russians and Servians were moving on Sophia. Another account reported that on December 24, the Servians were repulsed from Yatre with great loss, and were "pursued a distance of one hour and a half's march."

CHAPTER IX.

GREECE, EGYPT, HOLLAND, BELGIUM, DENMARK, AND NORWAY.

GREECE.-Excitement in Greece-The Government and the People-Greek Provinces of Turkey-Change of Ministers-A Coalition Cabinet-Its Policy-Lord Derby and the Greek Government-Death of Canaris-His Character.

EGYPT.-Interests and Policy of the Viceroy-Its Relations with Turkey-Colonel
Gordon-His Policy-Employment of Foreigners-Egypt and Abyssinia-The
Egyptian Contingent-Its Departure-Its Unfair Treatment-The Suez Canal-
Prince Hassan-Report of the Public Debt Commissioners.
HOLLAND.-Funeral of the Queen-The Budget-The New Cabinet.

BELGIUM.-The Rubens' Festival-Congress of Socialists-Opening of the Chambers.
DENMARK.-The Crown and the Folkething-Temporary Finance Law-Autumn
Races-State Trial-Battle of the Budget-Termination of the Crisis.
NORWAY.-Mercantile Fleet.

GREECE, as might have been expected, was much excited when war broke out between her hereditary enemy, Turkey, and Russia; and she was naturally anxious that the Hellenic provinces of Turkey should share in that emancipation of the Sclavonian States which was the professed object of the war. As far, however, as military action was concerned, the finances of the country were not in a condition to warrant expensive enterprises. The budget showed an increasing annual deficit; but when passions are aroused money considerations count for very little; and the history of the whole year in Greece was a struggle, more or less intense, between the Government on the one hand and the whole body of the Hellenes on the other. It seemed to them that the opportunity, long waited for, had come at last, when the Greek provinces still under Turkish rule should be taken from the Ottoman oppressor and annexed to the kingdom of King George. Roumania had declared her independence. Servia was preparing for war, the Sclavonian populations were everywhere rushing into the arms of the great Northern Power, which was organising insurrections with all the zeal of a revolutionary committee. Were the refined and subtle Greeks to be less alive to the crisis than the peasants of Servia and Bulgaria? Crete was already in a ferment, and the Porte having rejected the demands of the Cretan Assembly, the Christians of that island resolved to assert their rights by force of arms. June brought with it a change of Ministry in Greece. M. Coumoundouros endeavoured to form a Cabinet, and he declared his policy to be " to increase and concentrate the regular army by speedy and effective measures, to prevent by exemplary punishment all irregular movements; to obtain a loan for the purpose of military operations to be commenced immediately, and to establish taxes to pay the interest of that loan." A meeting of 8,000 persons adopted resolutions affirming the necessity of forming a Coalition Cabinet, "which would carry on military preparations with energy and promptitude." Then a special deputation from this meeting urged the several party leaders to unite to secure the

object proposed by the resolutions; and the Chamber of Deputies voted a resolution calling upon the party leaders to form a "solid Coalition Ministry," "on account of the extraordinary circumstances in which Greece was then placed." Accordingly a Coalition Ministry was organised under the auspices of the veteran Canaris, who became President of the Council and Minister of Marine. The other members of the new Cabinet were:-Tricoupis, Foreign Affairs; Coumoundouros, Home Affairs; Zaimi, Justice; Deligeoigi, Finance: Deligianni, Education; Zimbrakasaki, Army. All these were exMinisters, and the first five ex-Premiers. The Times correspondent, remarking upon this political event, said: "The step, which was demanded by the people and Chamber, shows that the Greeks are in earnest, and desire internal order and energetic military preparation, so that they may act effectually on any emergency. Great hopes are entertained, and quiet is restored."

Laws for the organization of the military and naval forces were soon after passed through the Chamber of Deputies, the new Ministry thus carrying out the wishes of the people for energetic military and naval preparation.

In answer to the question asked by Lord Derby of the Greek Government, as to whether it authorised the British Government to assure the Porte that Greece would not make war against Turkey, nor favour the insurrection in the frontier provinces, M. Tricoupis, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, sent a Note to the Greek Chargé d'Affaires in London, in which he said: "That he had actually given assurances to the British Minister at Athens that Greece did not intend declaring war against Turkey, but that this was all that either the Porte or another Power acting in the name of Turkey was justified in asking. Greece, the Minister continued, cannot renounce her freedom of action without prejudicing Hellenic interests. The Note then recalled the fact that the protecting Powers in the protocol of June 21, 1832, rejected the claim of the Porte, that Greece should always remain neutral. The communication of M. Tricoupis to Mr. Stuart, the British Minister in Athens, to the effect that Greece would use her influence to prevent insurrection in the Turkish frontier provinces, had the character of a simple piece of information. The Porte was not justified in demanding the co-operation of Greece in suppressing the insurrection. Finally, in regard to the armaments of Greece, M. Tricoupis pointed to the recognised independence of his country, and the right which results from that independence."

A great blow to Greece at this time (September 14) was the death by apoplexy of Constantine Canaris, the Prime Minister— the Grecian Thiers, whose name was a spell that held together rival parties, and whose influence with the people almost ensured tranquillity while he remained in office. At his funeral (which was as striking on a smaller scale as M. Thiers' funeral had been when all Paris followed him to the grave) "the King himself walked through the blazing sunshine, as chief mourner, from the Ministry of Marine

to the Cathedral of Athens. All the Greek Ministers, foreign representatives, and a host of officers in uniform crowded behind his Majesty to pay honour to the mighty dead. Every shop was shut, and many houses and balconies were hung with black. There was a grave and anxious looking forward to what next might come, mingled with sincere sorrow for him who had gone. The wellknown features of the Prime Minister were seen for the last time as he was carried by with his coffin-lid raised, according to Greek custom. That grand, calm face, with the grey beard and square forehead, passed out of sight for ever, and the last link seemed to be broken between this present generation of Greeks and the days of Cochrane and of Byron."

Canaris, who had been at once the Garibaldi and the Thiers of his country, was a man dear to every Greek patriot. In the insurrectionary war against the Turkish tyranny, more than half a century ago, his fire-ships had carried havoc and dismay into the Ottoman navy; and in his heroic exploits he more resembled the Elizabethan mariners than any of the naval celebrities of the present day. His simplicity resembled very much that of the Italian patriot, whom he excelled in political sagacity and statesmanship; for, after being the master spirit of political combinations and Cabinets, he retired with renewed pleasure to the enjoyments of a simple country life. In his old age, as in his youth, he was ever at the service of his country, and "when, at the beginning of June, he was entreated to quit his cottage for the Presidency of the Greek Cabinet, he did not remember his ninety years, and came at once to the call. Under his leadership factions could be appeased and jealousies reconciled. For three months he had remained at the head of affairs, not plunging his country into war, but not ceasing to make the nation more and more ready for war, should the moment for war arrive."

EGYPT.

Egypt, as a country intimately connected with European interests, and almost necessarily-as a vassal State or province of the Turkish Empire-taking a part in the Russo-Turkish war, may conveniently be considered in this chapter, together with nations from which geographically it is distinct. Unlike these, its relations to Turkey would hardly be allowed to be neutral in the struggle between Russia and its Suzerain, unless it were placed under the protection of the European Powers. Russia had, indeed, been supposed to exercise an influence upon the councils of the Viceroy, and when war was declared the Russian political agent seemed loth to depart, and was said to have urged upon the Khedive or Viceroy the advantages of neutrality; and reasons were not wanting to induce Egypt's Lord to lend a favourable ear to Russia's representations. There were financial reasons of the utmost cogency, and even international obligations might be pleaded in favour of the policy of inaction. By the concessions made to MM. Goschen and

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