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GEORGE III.

BOOK IV.

Review of American Transactions. Petition of the Massachusetts' Assembly to the King. New Modification of the Ame rican Tea Duty. Tumults consequent thereupon in the Colonies. Session of Parliament. Boston Port Bill. Bill for subverting the Charter of Massachusetts. Bill for the Subversion of the Judicial Power in the Province of Massachusetts. Bill for the Establishment of Despotism in Canada. Speech of Lord' Chatham on American Affairs. Motion for the Repeal of the Duty on Tea-Supported by Mr. Burke-His Character. Proceedings in America. General Congress convened at Philadelphia. First Petition of the Congress to the King. Memorable Speech of Lord Chatham on moving to withdraw the Troops from Boston. Petitions presented to Parliament against the War, consigned to the Committee of Oblivion. Parliament refuses to hear Evidence on the Congress Petition. Lord Chatham's Bill for settling the Troubles in America REJECTED. America declared to be in Rebellion. Fishery and Restraining Bills passed. Lord North's conciliatory Propositions. Mr. Buke's conciliatory Propositions. Mr. Hartley's conciliatory Proposition. Petition to the King from the City of London, presented by Mr. Wilkes, Lord Mayor. Trivial Concessions granted to Ireland. Application to Parliament from the Province of New York rejected. Hostilities commenced at Lexington. Lord North's Propositions rejected by the Congress. Battle of Bunker's Hill. Second Petition of Congress to the King. The King refuses to answer it. American Invasion of Canada. General Howe abandons Boston. Conduct of the Indian Nations.

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THE unfortunate disputes with the American colonies, revived by the impofition of the port duties in 1767, had fince that fatal period fuffered

VOL. II.

B

fered no interruption or abatement, though very much kept out of fight by thofe vehement domestic contests in which the English nation felt itself for the time more nearly interested, though of far lefs real and lafting importance. A general retrospective view of colonial politics will be neceffary, to illuftrate and introduce the momentous tranfactions of the fucceeding years. In the act impofing the port duties on paper, glafs, colors, teas, &c. paffed A. D. 1767, was a remarkable claufe, which gave fcarcely lefs umbrage and alarm than the taxes themselves, empowering the crown by fign manual to eftablish a general CIVIL LIST throughout every province in America, to an indefinite extent, with any falaries, places, or appointments, to the very laft fhilling of the American revenue. The act indeed provided, that after all fuch minifterial warrants under the fign manual as are thought proper and neceffary fhall be fatisfied, the refidue of the revenue fhall be at the dif pofal of parliament. But who, it was asked, can fuppofe fuch warrants will ever be fatisfied till minifters have provided for all their friends and favorites? This mockery of an American revenue proves at laft, faid a member of the house (Mr. Hartley), to be only the crumbs that fall from the minifter's table-the RESIDUE of a royal warrant counterfigned by the firft lord of

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the Treafury? The next step in the progrefs of the new system of American taxation was the establishment of an American board of commiffioners, which, under the aufpices of the chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Charles Townshend, paffed into an act the fame feffion. This board was fixed at Boston, where the commiffioners arrived in the autumn of that year.

The non-importation agreement entered into by the colonies, in confequence of the rash and unadvised measures adopted by England, have been already noticed; but though they confined their practical oppofition to their commercial combinations, they now began to indulge a boundlefs and dangerous licence of fpeculative difcuffion on the nature and extent of parliamentary power. Till this period they had, with a cheerfulness which precluded any deep or accurate investigation of right, admitted the exercife of a difcretionary legislative authority in the parliament of Great Britain. They had admitted the diftinction between raifing money as the mere incidental produce of regulating duties, and for the direct purpose of revenue; but now they argued more boldly, and as fpeculatifts more confiftently, in faying, If the parliament of Great Britain has no right to tax us internally, they have none to tax us externally; and if they have no right to tax us without our confent,

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