think they owe it; fenfible that the fruits of their industry are grafted on the tree of liberty, deprived of which, abject indigence must be their portion; and that it is by this ever-active fentiment they are animated, from generation to generation, te ftruggle against the attacks made on their conftitution.

In fine, thofe foreigners, if they have penetrated into the interior economy of our families, will further atteft, that notwithstanding the ridicule thrown by fome opulent men on a rigid obfervance of domestic virtues, they have seen amongst us many happy spouses, few inclined to celibacy, and many young and fober fathers; that education is daily making rapid itrides towards perfection; that virtue is revered by the men, practifed by the women; that mothers find no guardian neceffary for the honour of their daughters; and that the liberty of both is its only fecurity.'

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The molt alarming preparations furround our frontiers. Our neighbours, instead of the olive-branch of negociation, brandish before our eyes the fword of war. What have we done, what crime of ours can justify fuch measures? Sire, we neither fue for pardon nor mercy; it is juftice we implore. We claim the fupport of a conftitution that is our right, that is difpleafing to the rich, and that we only afked to preferve unaltered. But let us once be left to ourselves, let ambition have no foreign affiftance to rely on, and peace will foon be reftored by mutual facrifices; never would it have been disturbed, without the hope of that affiftance.'

• We are told from every quarter that refiftance will terminate in our deftruction. Without doubt; we are conscious of our weakness, of the fmallness of our number, and the impoffibility of fucceeding: but we have before our eyes our rights, our oaths, thofe of free nations, and the title of citizens of Geneva, of which we are determined to be worthy to our latest breath. If we muft renounce our laws, we fhall only have to defert a country we were unable to defend, or to pay it our laft duty by falling with it, and honourably lofing an exiftence, which, deftitute of liberty, would be ignominious to us.'

We cannot enter into the detail of the constitution; of the various changes which the ambition of individuals have intro duced; or of the amendments occafioned by thofe mediations, real mediations, which have, at different times, been found neceffary. The great outline of the conftitution is, that every freeman, above the age of twenty-five, compofes a part of the General Council: this body again delegates its powers to the Grand Council, or Council of Two Hundred; to another Council, or the Council of Sixty, who are employed chiefly in foreign affairs; and to the Petty Council, Council of Twenty-five, or Senate, for they have indifferently all thefe appellations. Each of thefe bodies originally depended on

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the people; but the first innovation was, that the fenate and grand council fhould elect each other, without any appeal to them; and at laft the fenate arrogated the fupreme dominion. They depended only on themselves, though they apparently refted their authority on the grand council, who were almost beings of their will. It is not uncommon to find authority in the hands of those who are moft conftantly engaged in business. They are always ready to take advantage of every neglect, of every inattention. Custom foon eftablishes a right, and the innovation is complete. This has been the regular and gradual progrefs in every nation; and, though human ingenuity has been employed in obviating the abufe, yet every attempt has hitherto failed. The whole is fo much interwoven with the nature of government, and with human depravity, that it is one of the political difeafes' which the ableft phyfician cannot cure, and which the most anxious unremitting atten tion can only delay. It is this principle which has actuated modern reformers in their attempts to diminish the duration of our prefent parliaments. Alas, the remedy is not equal to the disease! It would be effectual, if they could at the same time diminish the influence of corruption, if they could encourage again the growth of either public virtue or public fpirit. The old age of kingdoms cannot be restored.

After the commotions had arifen to an alarming height, the mediation of France, and of the Swifs cantons of Bern and Zurich, were requested. The minifter of France was, at that time, the pacific, the calm, the equitable Fleuri. ' Count,' faid he to the ambaffador, (count de Lautrec) forget not that the people never is wrong.' The ambaffador was ordered by the king to tranfact, in his name, whatever was moft becoming a mediator, who had an equal affection for both parties; and he performed it. Perhaps nothing can be added to, this eulogy by the moft flattering panegyrift. In his attempts, he was eagerly feconded by the other mediators; and, though they were limited by parties and prejudices, they again procured a dawn of public liberty, which might have arisen to meridian fplendour. But the caufes which first produced the diforders continued to operate; and, in a little time," scarcely a shadow of their work remained. The mediators again returned in 1766, but with different views and under different aufpices, and the fuccefs was not equally falutary. The encroachments of the councils on each other were indeed for a time prevented; perfonal liberty feemed to be reftored; congratulations were every where heard; but the feeds of a more fatal revolution were fown, which has at laft terminated in the deftruction of liberty. That moment was premature; and the

for

forbearance of the French minifter was not owing to his humanity, but to the reprefentations of other powers. • Let men do what they will, faid Rouffeau, he that knows how to die is ever free.' At this period, the volume before us ter

minates.

The whole fubject is at once explained by Rouffeau. 'In Geneva, fays he, they have always been led aftray by appearances, and neglected effentials: too great pains have been taken about the general councils, and too little about its members. Authority should have been lefs, and liberty more their object.' Our author's account of him may be worth extracting.

J. J. Rouffeau was come to Geneva to return to the proteftant communion, from whence he had ftrayed through the folly of youthful days spent in romantic wandering. He studied in the constitution of his country thofe great principles of political economy, that he foon after difplayed, and which encreafed that celebrity fo much lamented by him towards the clofe of his life. During a refidence of fome months at Geneva, he preferred the fociety of private citizens to that of men in power, whofe pomp and principles he held in deteftation. His attachment to the people, the value he fet on the title of citizen of Geneva, the efteem of his countrymen, his. connection with the quondam deputy Deluc, his fondness for political equality, and his contempt for the rich, which he fometimes carried too far, drew on him the hatred of the partizans of ariftocracy, who have been without doubt the real authors of all his misfortunes.'

It was the edict of 1738, during the first important revolution under the mediation of France, which established their staple manufactory of watch-making. That edict granted the natives the privilege of fetting up for themselves; and each individual found in it confiderable resources: the artist rose to be nearly on a level with the merchant, and was enabled to throw off the yoke of the rich.' We hope that the emigrated manufacturers will be equally fuccessful in Ireland.

Some ftriking parts of this volume are the bold, manly replies of the Genevefe. Do you know, firs,' said the chevalier de Beauteville, the mediator from France, in the year 1766, that I am the reprefentative of the king my mafter? Do you know, fir, faid one of the republicans, that we are the representatives of our equals ?'

In October 1767, the citizens remonftrated to the fenate. This production must have been truly admirable: the extracts are powerful and fimple, clear and energetic. What a picture is the following!

• The citizens delivered it to the four fyndics, filing off two by two in their prefence: one of them faid, "the citizens you fee before you are ready to facrifice their lives in defence of their liberty.' Another, " we demand the execution of our laws." A third, "we are tired of asking peace, we shall at length require it." "The thunder rolls and is ready to burst," exclaimed a fourth. One of them faid but this word, "Reflect."

• The mediators laft refource was openly to threaten the citizens with pronouncing a fovereign judgment on the questions by which the republic was agitated, and enforcing the execution of that judgment. "The firft queftion of ail," replied One of the reprefentants, "fhall be to judge whether there was any foundation for your interpofition itself *."

Though we would be understood to recommend this book for the form, it must be owned that we cannot answer for the fidelity of the relation. Men of warm paffions, deeply interefted in their narrative, often deviate, without intention, from an exact reprefentation. In the prefent inftance, it is a venial, perhaps a laudable error, fince it refults from a partiality which all muft approve. But we have only this reason to fufpect our author of mifreprefentation with all his enthufiafm, he feems to be candid; and, under all his misfortunes, the misfortunes of his country, he preferves a steady calmnefs, which should be the peculiar characteristic of an hif

torian.

A Concife Hiftory of Knighthood. Containing the Religious and Military Orders, which have been inftituted in Europe. By Hugh Clark. Two Vols. 8vo. 10s. 6d. in Boards. Cadell. TH HIS ingenious engraver has already introduced us to heraldry in general, and to the peerage of England: he now endeavours to revive the remembrance of those ancient institutions in which religion, policy, and gallantry, were equally employed to intereft and excite minds, only acceffible to thefe, or motives equally powerful. The inftitutions of chivalry, we have already observed, were of the highest importance in the dark and ignorant ages; and the different orders into which they were divided, were fo many allurements, contrived by fovereigns or prelates, to attach knights to their perfons and fervices. They are now fubjects of curiofity only, except when they are introduced to explain badges and armorial bearings on ancient monuments: we indeed preferve the names and the diftinctions, but the spirit is diffipated,

"These forty-two years I have been condemned to die,” replied another citizen to Henin, who threatened him with death."

In another place the fource of that powerful attraction, which can still make an ancient order the object of attention; which can even institute new ones, that fhall be caught at with equal eagerness, might be a curious fubject of enquiry. The fplendour of illustrious names, and the fpirit of emulation to be thought worthy of fuch fociety, may have fome fhare in the former; but the latter can be refolved only into a trifling ambition, and a defire of minute distinctions.

Our author gives us a fhort account of the principal orders of knighthood. In fome inftances he is defective, fometimes mistaken, and fometimes erroneous. In general however, though concife, he is exact and fatisfactory. His engravings are fufficiently elegant, and unufually diftinct, from the enlarged fize; but he only reprefents the collars of the order: the caps and furcoats are alfo frequently effential to the diftinction.

The

We were rather furprifed at his omitting the firft Chriftian order, if it may be styled one, of the Golden Angel, inftituted by Conftantine. It is taken from the well known ftory of the appearance of an angel with a crofs to the emperor, previous to his engagement with Maxentius. Whether it is true or not is of little confequence; but it was certainly the origin. There feems to be fome other omiffions; though, as the author has fometimes changed the ancient titles, we cannot easily afcertain them. The order of the Ship Argo at Naples, for inftance, he has changed to that of St. Nicholas, and the emblem is a fhip only, not a ship in a florm. order of the Dog he has joined with the Dog and the Cock; though they were inftituted at very different periods. These are very flight blemishes; but we are cautious of charging him with omiffions, while they may have paffed us unperceived under other names. There feem to be fome traces of a different order from that of the Thistle, in Scotland. It is perceivable in a portrait of James the Vth, and is a picture of St. Andrew, fufpended by a collar compofed of fome plant; a crofs, with a crown of gold in the middle of it, is also born on the left shoulder. We chiefly mention it as a circumftance little known, and probably worth enquiry.

We do not mean to object to our author the concifenefs of his accounts, and to fuppofe him defective, because he has not collected every circumftance relative to many trifling orders; but we think his account of the Knights Banneret both defective and erroneous. We had occafion to mention the fubject in our last volume, page 165; and fhall now shortly give an account of the whole inftitution. The original of a knight banneret was, as there mentioned, that of a knight

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