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his meaning: we must therefore decline giving any opinion on the subject of his labours. If we understand him rightly, he endeavours to show, from the name of God, in various paffages of the Old Teftament, being of the dual number, and from divers intimations of a distinct energy, acting independent of the power which wills, that, inftead of one, or three, there are in reality two Gods, the Father of all, and his Son Jefus Chrift; or at least the God who afterwards affumed the human form. We shall felect a few fentences, as an apology for our errors, if we have erred: they are fome of the most intelligible in the whole lift of the author's Conceptions.

You believe the Scriptures to be the word from heaven, conclude then that all fentiments contrapofed to this facred word must diffent from reality, and be naturally traductive into error and obfcurity; I might fay into idolatry, for it is a fure truth, however difavowed, that all darkened, mifprincipled understandings being prone to fuperftition and enthusiasm, are indeed in the direct road to idolatry; for the fame magnetic efficacy which, latent in them, affuades to the one, conducts to the other.

• The great, the gay, the happy, the delicate, the polite, the jovial, the libertine, the elegant, and the voluptuous, whofe minds are stagnant in the phlegma and indifference of infidelity and fcepticism, are already idolators in fact; and they need only the adhibition of a few alarming terrors, diftreffe, calamities, and exigencies, to fink them into the groffelt practices of idolatrous reverence, allegiance, and fealty to illufive fpirits. Natural is the tranfition from profligacy to bigotry.'

POLITICA L.

An Appeal to the Landed Intereft of Great Britain, on the Operation of the Commercial Treaty with France. By a Country Gentleman, 800. 25. Debrett.

Were we induftriously to trace out the authors of political pamphlets, we should often find them extremely different from the characters they affume. Under the mask of a WoollenDraper, for inftance, it is probable we might difcover a manufacturer of literary productions; A Member of Parliament might prove to be a gentleman who never had a feat in the house of commons; and it is ten to one, if a Country Gentleman did not live all the year in the smoke of London, But it is not our business to examine the pretenfions of thofe writers by the titles which they affume. We estimate them by their merits, not by their fignatures; and, whatever party they elpoufe, we freely deliver our opinion of their representations and arguments, without either partiality or prejudice.

The avowed defign of the author now before us is to inveftigate the probable effects of Mr. Eden's treaty on the landed interest of Great Britain.' In performing this talk, he confines his obfervations chiefly to the fixth article, which relates to the

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daty on French brandies; affirming that the reduction of the duty from nine fhillings and fix pence and a fraction, to feven fhillings, muft greatly affect our home diftilleries, and of confequence the landed intereft. When this author prognofticates fuch pernicious effects from the reduction of the duty to feven fhillings, how much more dreadful must have been his apprehenfions, had he known of the farther reduction of two fhillings, which has lately been propofed by the minifter! It may perhaps feem paradoxical, that any greater national advantage should be expected from this diminution; yet when the fubject is duly confidered, there will appear to be very good reafon for fuch expectations. The Country Gentleman declares himself pofitively of opinion that, by reducing the duty to feven fhillings, and the abolition of the hovering act, fmuggling will proceed with great vigour, and not only the diftilleries be effentially injured, but the public revenue confequently diminished, by a decrease of the excife. Admitting the principle on which he founds his calculations to be jut, namely, that smuggling will be carried on to a greater extent than formerly, the ominous inferences which he draws would doubtless neceffarily follow: but nothing can be more repugnant to the rational motives of human action than fuch an idea. In whatever degree fmuggling might continue, were the duty at feven fhillings the gallon, there is the highest moral probability that, when the duty is reduced to five fhillings, this practice must be greatly discou raged.

When fo much is faid of French brandies and the produce of our own distilleries, it would be a very natural fubject of enquiry to examine their comparative qualities with regard to their effects on the conftitution. We much fear that the latter, whether from neceffary caufes, or, what is more probable, from the pernicious arts of the manufacturer, would be found the moft injurious. There can be no doubt, that the general health of the people ought to be a confideration fuperior to that of pecuniary advantages to a flate; yet it is too often found, that both their health and their morals have been facrificed to the interested views of an opulent or numerous part of the community.

We think, for the reafons we have given, that this author is mistaken in his apprehenfions with refpect to the natural ope. ration of the fixth article of the treaty. But he appears to be fo much the enemy of the French, that no commercial compact whatever with that country could afford him fatisfaction; and he even glories in his illiberal prejudice.

It is a joke, fays he, to talk any longer of our enmity to France being merely the effect of prejudice-If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice under which our commerce has attained to its prefent glorious ftate of exaltation-If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice that has invariably been adopted by the molt celebrated and the wifeft of our fovereigns, and till the prefent

inftance

inftance has only been deviated from.-If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice that has governed the moft fuccessful of our minifters-If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice that has deceived a Burleigh, a Marlborough, and a Chatham.'

In a writer of the difpofition which these fentiments betray,, it would be in vain to look for either impartiality or candour. Danger at our Doors. An Addrefs to the Freemen of London, and of every Corporate Town in the Kingdom, on the unconftitutional and injurious Tendency of the Fifth Article of the Commercial Treaty. 8vo. 15. French.

This author announces his pamphlet by a title well calculated to excite an alarm; and if really apprehenfive of the danger which he supposes to threaten the franchifes of all the cities and corporate towns in the kingdom, his conduct is undoubtedly juftifiable. But we are perfuaded that there exifts not even the molt remote defign of violating thofe municipal privileges.

The fubject of the prefent Addrefs is the fifth article of the treaty of commerce with France, refpecting which, the author remarks a very important difference between it and the fame article in the treaty of Utrecht; and concludes, from the omiffion of a certain claufe contained in the latter, relative to fhops, that a furrender is actually to be made to the French, of the rights of British citizens and Burgeffes. To give our reade ers a juft idea of the subject, it will be proper to lay before them the above-mentioned article, as it stands in each of the treaties.

The fifth article of the treaty of commerce, concluded by Mr. Eden, contains the following words.

"The fubjects of each of their faid majefties may have leave and licence to come with their fhips, as alfo with the merchandizes and goods on board the fame, the trade and importation whereof are not prohibited by the laws of either kingdom, and to enter into the countries, dominions, cities, ports, places, and rivers of either party, fituated in Europe, to refort thereto, and to remain and refide there, without any limitation of time; alfo to hire houfes, or to lodge with other perfons, and to buy all lawful kinds of merchandizes where they think fit, either from the first maker or the feller, or în any other manner, whether in the public market for the fale of merchandizes, or in fairs, or wherever fuch merchandizes are manufuctured or fold, They may likewife depofit and keep in their magazines and warehouses, the merchandizes brought from other parts, and afterwards expose the fame to fale, without being in any wife obliged, unlefs willingly and of their own accord, to bring the faid merchandizes to the marts and fairs. Neither are they to be burthened with any impofitions or duties on account of the faid freedom of trade, or for any other caufe whatfoever, except those which are to be paid for their fhips and merchandizes

conformably to the regulations of the prefent treaty, or thofe to which the fubjects of the two contracting parties shall themfelves be liable."

Fifth article of the treaty of Utrecht." The fubjects of each of their royal majeflies may have leave and licence to come with their fhips, as alfo with the merchandizes and goods on board the fame (the trade and importation whereof are not prohibited by the laws of either kingdom) to the lands, countries, cities, ports, places, and rivers of either fide in Europe, to enter into the fame, to resort thereto, to remain and refide there, without any limitation of time; alfo to hire houfes, or to lodge with other people, and to buy all lawful kinds of merchandizes where they think fit from the first workman or feller, or in any other manner, whether in the public market for the fale of things, in mart-towns, fairs, or wherefover thofe goods are manufactured or fold. They may likewife lay up and keep in their magazines and warehouses, and from thence expofe to ́fale, merchandizes brought from other parts; neither fhall they be in any wife obliged, unlefs willingly and of their own acord, to bring the faid merchandizes to the marts and fairs. On this condition, however,, that they fhall not fell the fame by retail in fhops, or any where elfe. But they are not to be loaded with any impofitions or taxes on account of the faid freedom of trade, or for any other cause whatfover, except what are to be paid for their hips and goods according to the laws and cuftoms received in each kingdom. And moreover, they shall have free leave, without moleftation, to remove themselves; alfo, if they fhall happen to be married, their wives, children, and fervants, together with their merchandizes, wares, goods, and effects, either bought or imported, when foever and whitherfoever they fhall think fit, out of the bounds of each kingdom, by land and by fea, on the rivers and fresh waters, difcharging the ufual duties, notwithstanding any law, privilege, grant, immunity, or cuftom, in any wife importing the contrary."

The fifth article of the propofed treaty being almost a literal tranfcript of that of Utrecht, the author of the Addrefs cannot account for the omiffion of the claufe above alluded to, upon any other principle than a tacit dereliction, on the part of government, of the franchises above mentioned. For what reafon the framers of the new treaty thought proper to deviate, in the expreffion of this article, from the treaty of Utrecht, we shall not take upon us to determine; but it feems abfurd to fuppofe a defign of conferring on the French, a privilege which is not, in many cafes, common to British fubjects. Such an apprehenfion, however, is natural enough in a Liveryman of London; and this author might be excufed, had he not betrayed, in different parts, an illiberality of fentiment, as in the following fentence: Let us remember that an Englishman would ftarve in France, upon what would feaft a Frenchman in England.'

A Brief

A Brief Effay on the Advantages and Difadvantages which refpectively attend France and Great-Britain, with Regard to Trade. By Jofiah Tucker, D. D. Dean of Gloucefler. 8vo. Stockdale.

25

This is a re-publication of an Effay written by Dr. Tucker, from the third edition of it in 1753. The author, with his ufual fagacity, difplays the various advantages and disadvantages, local, moral, and political, both of France and Great Britain, with refpect to trade. Though many years have elapfed fince the Effay was written, the reprefentation it contains may fill be regarded as accurate; but as fome of the advantages and difadvantages depend upon circumftances of a nature not abfolutely permanent, they may undergo an alteration in time; and when this fhall happen, to compare the relative state of the two nations, will be a fubject for fome future politician.

It is proper to inform our readers that this pamphlet is not e-printed by the authority of the dean of Gloucester himself, but by a different editor, who thought that the publication of fuch a tract, at the prefent time, would afford general fatisfaction. With the fame view he has annexed to it three of the Effays of Mr. Hume, viz. on the Balance of Trade, on the Jealoufy of Trade, and on the Balance of Power. These feveral productions tend to confirm the opinion, that the commercial treaty with France will prove highly advantageous to this country.

Confiderations on the Political and Commercial Circumftances of

Great Britain and Ireland. 8vo.

25. ' Debrett.

An union of Great Britain and Ireland has fometimes been the fubject of fpeculation among political individuals, and is generally confidered as a measure which would be highly advantageous to both countries. From the example of England and Scotland, the opinion of its utility is ftrongly fupported by experience, which, in all cafes of this nature, is the most fatisfactory evidence. The author of the Confiderations before us appears to have examined the subject with great attention; but the refult of his enquiry is very far from being favourable to the practicability of that expedient. One of the principal obstacles mentioned is the high demand which he thinks would be made by Ireland, with respect to the number of reprefentatives in parliament, fo as to preserve her due proportion of influence in the public deliberations. Various other objections, however, are adduced by the author, and these too of fuch weight as tend greatly to confirm his general doctrine.

The author next enquires into the expediency of establishing a free commerce between the two kingdoms; with regard to which object, he is decided in his opinion of its utility. His fentiments, we acknowlege, are judicious, candid, and liberal; but a fyftem of commercial regulations adapted to his ideas of equality, could not fail of proving more acceptable to the people of Ireland than of Great Britain.

I

A Letter

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