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his meaning: we must therefore decline giving any opinion on the subject of his lahours. If we understand him rightly, he endeavours to how, from the name of God, in various passages of the Old Testament, being of the dual number, and from divers intimations of a distinct energy, acting independent of the power which wills, that, instead of one, or three, there are in reality two Gods, the Father of all, and his Son Jesus Christ; or at leait the God who afterwards assumed the human form. We shall select a few sentences, as an apology for our errors, if we have erred: they are some of the most intelligible in the whole lift of the author's Conceptions.
• You believe the Scriptures to be the word from heaven, conclude then that all sentiments contraposed to this sacred word muft diffent from reality, and be naturally traductive into error and obscurity ; I might say into idolatry, for it is a sure truth, however disavowed, that all darkened, misprincipled understandings being prone to superitition and enthusiasm, are indeed in the direct road to idolatry; for the same magnetic efficacy which, latent in them, assuades to the one, conducts to the other.
* The great, the gay, the happy, the delicate, the polite, the jovial, the libertine, the elegant, and the voluptuous, whose minds are stagnant in the phlegma and indifference of infidelity and scepticism, are already idolators in fact; and they need only the adhibition of a few alarming terrors, distrefie, calamities, and exigencies, to fink them into the groffest practices of idolatrous reverence, allegiance, and fealty to illufive spirits. Natural is the transition from profligacy to bigotry.”
POLITICAL. An Appeal to the Landed Interest of Great Britain, on the Operation
of the Commercial Treaty with France. By a Country Gentleman, 8vo. Debrett.
Were we industriously to trace out the authors of political pamphlets, we should often find them extremely different from the characters they assume. Under the mask of a Woollen. Draper, for instance, it is probable we mighe discover a manufacturer of literary productions; A Member of Parliament might prove to be a gentleman who never had a seat in the house of commons; and it is ten to one, if a Country Gentleman did not live all the year in the smoke of London, But it is not our business to examine the pretensions of those writers by the titles which they assume. We estimate them by their merits, not by their signatures; and, whatever party they elpouse, we freely deliver our opinion of their representations and arguments, without either partiality or prejudice.
The avowed design of the author now before us is to inveftigate the probable effects of Mr. Eden's treaty on the landed interest of Great Britain.' In performing this talk, he confines his observations chiefly to the sixth article, which relates to the
daty on French brandies ; affirming that the reduction of the duty from nine fillings and fix pence and a fraction, to fever fhillings, must greatly affect our home distilleries, and of consequence the landed interest. When this author prognofticates such pernicious effects from the reduction of the duty to seven Millings, how much more dreadful must have been his apprehensions, had he known of the farther reduction of two shillings, which has lately been proposed by the minifter! It may perhaps seem paradoxical, that any greater national advantage lould be expected from this diminution ; yet when the subject is duly considered, there will appear to be very good reafon for such expectations. The Country Gentleman declares himself pofitively of opinion that, by reducing the duty to seven shillings, and the abolition of the hovering act, snuggling will proceed with great vigour, and not only the distilleries be effentially injured, but the public revenue consequently diminished, by a decrease of the excise. Admitting the principle on which he founds his calculations to be jutt, namely, that smuggling will be carried on to a greater extent than formerly, the ominous inferences which he draws would doubtless neceffarily follow : but nothing can be more repugnant to the rational motives of human action than such an idea. In whatever degree fmuggling might continue, were the duty at seven shillings the gallon, there is the higheit moral probability that, when the duty is reduced to five shillings, this practice must be greatly discous raged.
When so much is said of French brandies and the produce of our own distilleries, it would be a very natural subject of enquiry to examine their comparative qualities with regard to their effects on the constitution. We much fear that the latter, whether from necessary causes, or, what is more probable, from the pernicious arts of the manufacturer, would be found the most injurious. There can be no doubt, that the general health. of the people ought to be a confideration superior to that of pecuniary advantages to a state ; yet it is too often found, that both their health and their morals have been sacrificed to the interested views of an opulent or numerous part of the commnunity,
We think, for the reasons we have given, that this author is miftaken in his apprehenfions with relpect to the natural ope. ration of the fixth article of the treaty. But he appears to be so much the enemy of the French, that no commercial compact whatever with that country could afford him satisfaction ; and he even glories in his illiberal prejudice.
. It is a joke, says he, to talk any longer of our enmity to France being merely the effect of prejudice if it be a pre. judice, it is a prejudice under which our commerce has attained to its present glorious state of exaltation-If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice that has invariably been adopted by the most celebrated and the wisest of our sovereigns, and sill the present instance has only been deviated from.- If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice that has governed the most successful of our, minifters--- If it be a prejudice, it is a prejudice that has deceived a Burleigh, a Marlborough, and a Chatham.'
In a writer of the disposition which these sentiments betray.. it would be in vain to look for either impartiality or candour. Danger at our Doors. An Address to the Frecmen of London, and
of every Corporate Town in the Kingdom, on the unconflitutional and injurious Tendency of the Fifth Article of the Commercial Treaty. 8vo. 15. French.
This author announces his pamphlet by a title well calculated to excite an alarm ; and if really apprehensive of the danger which he supposes to threaten the franchises of all the cities and corporate towns in the kingdom, his conduct is undoubtedly juftifiable. But we are persuaded that there exifts not even the molt remote design of violating those municipal privileges,
The subject of the present Address is the fifth article of the treaty of commerce with France, respecting which, the author semarks a very important difference between it and the same article in the treaty of Utrecht; and concludes, from the omission of a certain clause contained in the latter, relative to Shops, that a surrender is actually to be made to the French, of the rights of British citizens and Burgesses. To give our reade ers a juft idea of the subject, it will be proper to lay before them the above-mentioned article, as it stands in each of the treaties.
· The fifth article of the treaty of commerce, concluded by Mr. Eden, contains the following words.
“ The subjects of each of their faid majesties may have leave and licence to come with their thips, as also with the merchandizes and goods on board the fame, the trade and importation whereof are not prohibited by the laws of either kingdom, and to enter into the countries, dominions, cities, ports, places, and rivers of either party, situated in Europe, to resort thereto, and to remain and reside there, without any limitation of time; also to hire houses, or to lodge with other persons, and to buy all lawful kinds of merchandizes where they think fit, either from the first maker or the seller, or in any other manner, whether in the public market for the sale of merchandizes, or in fairs, or wherever such merchandizes are manufuctured or fold, They may likewise deposit and keep in their magazines and warehouses, the merchandizes brought from other parts, and afterwards expose the same to sale, without being in any wise obliged, unless willingly and of their own accord, to bring the said merchandizes to the marts and fairs. Neither are they to be burthened with any impositions or duties on account of the said freedom of trade, or for any other cause whatsoever, excepe those which are to be paid for their ships and merchandizes
conformably to the regulations of the present treaty, or those to which the subjects of the two contračting parties shall themfelves be liable.?
Fifth article of the treaty of Utrecht.--" The subjects of each of their royal majellies may have leave and licence to come with their lips, as also with the merchandizes and goods on board the same (the trade and importation whereof are not prohibited by the laws of either kingdom) to the lands, countries, cities, ports, places, and rivers of either side in Europe, to enter into the same, to resort thereto, to remain and reside there, without any limitation of time; also to hire houses, or to lodge with other people, and to buy all lawful kinds of merchandizes where they think fit from the first workman or seller, or in any other manner, whether in the public market for the sale of things, in mart-towns, fairs, or wherefover those goods are manufactured or sold. They may likewise lay up and keep in their magazines and warehouses, and from thence expose to fale, merchandizes brought from other parts ; neither shall they be in any wise obliged, unless willingly and of their own acord, to bring the said merchandizes to the marts and fairs, On this condition, however, that they shall not sell the same by retail in shops, or any where else. But they are not to be loaded with any impositions or taxes on account of the said freedom of trade, or for any other cause whatsover, except what are to be paid for their ships and goods according to the laws and customs received in each kingdom. And moreover, they shall have free leave, without molestation, to remove themselves; also, if they fhall happen to be married, their wives, children, and servants, together with their merchandizes, wares, goods, and effects, either bought or imported, whensoever and whithersoever they shall think fit, out of the bounds of each kingdom, by land and by sea, on the rivers and fresh waters, discharging the usual duties, no:withstanding any law, privilege, grant, immunity, or custom, in any wife importing the contrary."
The fifth article of the proposed treaty being almost a literal transçript of that of Utrecht, the author of the Addrefs cannot account for che omission of the clause above alluded to, upon any other principle than a tacit dereliction, on the part government, 'of the franchises above mentioned. For what reason the framers of the new treaty thought proper to deviate, in the expression of this article, from the treaty of Utrecht, we shall pot take upon us to determine ; but it seems absurd to fuppose a design of conferring on the French, a privilege which is not, in many cases, common to British subjects. Such an apprehension, however, is natural enough in a Liveryman of London; and this author might be excused, bad he not betrayed, in different part, an illiberality of sentiment, as in the following fentence:
Let us remember that an Englishman would farve in France, ppon what would feast a Frenchman in England,
A Brief Elay on the Advantages and Disadvantages which respecte
ively attend France and Great-Britain, with Regard to Tradea By Jofiah Tucker, D. D. Dean of Gloucefier. 8vo. Stockdale.
This is a re-publication of an Essay written by Dr. Tucker, from the third edition of it in 1753. The author, with his usual fagacity, displays the various advantages and disadvantages, local, moral, and political, both of France and Great Britain, with respect to trade. Though many years have elapsed since the Essay was written, the representation it contains
may ftill be regarded as accurate ; but as some of the advantages and disadvantages depend upon circumstances of a nature not absolutely permanent, they may undergo an alteration in time; and when this shall happen, to compare the relative state of the two nations, will be a subject for some future politician.
It is proper to inform our readers that this pamphlet is not re-printed by the authority of the dean of Glouceiter himself, but by a different editor, who thought that the publication of such a tract, at the present time, would afford general satisfaction. With the same view he has annexed to it three of the Essays of Mr. Hume, viz. on the Balance of Trade, on the Jealousy of Trade, and on the Balance of Power. These feveral productions tend to confirm the opinion, that the commercial treaty with France will prove highly advantageous to
Considerations on the Political and Commercial Circumstances of
Great Britain and Ircland. 8vo. Debrett. An union of Great Britain and Ireland has sometimes been the subject of speculation among political individuals, and is generally considered as a measure which would be highly advantageous to both countries. From the example of England and Scotland, the opinion of its utility is strongly supported by experience, which, in all cases of this nature, is the most fá. tisfactory evidence. The author of the Considerations before us appears to have examined the subject with great attention ; but the result of his enquiry is very far from being favourable to the practicability of that expedient. One of the principal obstacles mentioned is the high demand which he thinks would be made by Ireland, with respect to the number of representatives in parliament, so as to preserve her due proportion of influence in the public deliberations. Various other objections, however, are adduced by the author, and these too of such weight as tend greatly to confirm his general doctrine.
The author next enquires into the expediency of establishing a free commerce between the two kingdoms ; with regard to which object, he is decided in his opinion of its utility. His sentiments, we acknowlege, are judicious, candid, and liberal; but a fystem of commercial regulations adapted to his ideas of equality, could not fail of proving more acceptable to the people of Ireland than of Great Britain, 1