In what manner opinion thus prevails over ftrength, or how power, which naturally belongs to fuperior force, is maintained in opposition to it; in other words, by what motives the many are induced to fubmit to the few, becomes an enquiry which lies at the root of almost every political fpeculation. It removes, indeed, but does not refolve the difficulty, to say, that civil governments are now-a-days almost universally upheld by standing armies, for the question still returns, how are these armies themselves kept in subjection, or made to obey the commands, and carry on the defigns, of the prince, or ftate which employs them.

Now although we should look in vain for any Single reafon which will account for the general fubmiffion of mankind to civil government, yet it may not be difficult to affign for every clafs and character in the community, confiderations powerful enough to diffuade each from any attempts to refift established authority. Every man has his motive, though not the fame. In this as in other inftances, the conduct is fimilar, but the principles which produce it, extremely

various.

There are three distinctions of character, into which the fubjects of a state may be divided;

into

into those who obey from prejudice; those who obey from reason; and those who obey from felf-intereft.

1. They who obey from prejudice, are determined by an opinion of right, in their governors; which opinion is founded upon prefcription. In monarchies and ariftocracies which are hereditary, the prescription operates in favour of particular families; in republics and elective offices, in favour of particular forms of government, or conftitutions. Nor is it to be wondered at, that mankind fhould reverence authority founded in prescription, when they obferve that it is prescription which confers the title to almoft every thing elfe. The whole course, and all the habits of civil life, favour this prejudice. Upon what other foundation stands any man's right to his eftate? The right of primogeniture, the fucceffion of kindred, the defcent of property, the inheritance of honours, the demand of tythes, tolls, rents, or fervices from the eftates of others, the right of way, the powers of office and magiftracy, the privileges of nobility, the immunities of the clergy, upon what are they all founded, in the apprehenfion at least of the multitude, but upon prescription? To what elfe, when the claims are contefted, is

the

the appeal made? It is natural to transfer the fame principle to the affairs of government, and to regard those exertions of power, which have been long exercised and acquiefced in, as fo many rights in the fovereign; and to confider obedience to his commands, within certain accustomed limits, as enjoined by that rule of confcience, which requires us to render to every man his due.

In hereditary monarchies, the prefcriptive title is corroborated, and its influence confiderably augmented, by an acceffion of religious fentiments, and by that facredness which men are wont to ascribe to the perfons of princes. Princes themselves have not failed to take advantage of this difpofition, by claiming a fuperior dignity, as it were, of nature, or a peculiar delegation from the Supreme Being. For this purpose were introduced the titles of facred majesty, of God's anointed, reprefentative, vicegerent, together with the ceremonies of inveftitures and coronations, which are calculated not fo much to recognize the authority of fovereigns, as to confecrate their perfons. Where a fabulous religion permitted it, the public veneration has been challenged by bolder pretenfions. The Roman emperors ufurped the titles, and arro

gated

1

gated the worship of gods. The mythology of the heroic ages, and of many barbarous nations, was cafily converted to this purpose. Some princes, like the heroes of Homer, and the founder of the Roman name, derived their birth from the gods: others, with Numa, pretended a fecret communication with fome divine being: and others again, like the Incas of Peru, and the ancient Saxon kings, extracted their descent from the deities of their country. The Lama of Thibet, at this day, is held forth to his subjects, not as the offspring or fucceffor of a divine race of princes, but as the immortal God himself, the object at once of civil obedience and religious adoration. This inftance is fingular, and may be accounted the farthest point to which the abuse of human credulity has ever been carried. But in all these inftances the purpose was the fame-to engage the reverence of mankind, by an application to their religious principles.

The reader will be careful to obferve, that in this article we denominate every opinion, whether true or falfe, a prejudice, which is not founded upon argument, in the mind of the person who entertains it.

II. They who obey from reafon, that is to fay, from confcience as inftructed by reasonings

and

and conclufions of their own, are determined,-by the confideration of the neceffity of fome government or other; the certain mifchief of civil commotions, and the danger of refettling the government of their country better, or at all, if once fubverted or disturbed.

III. They who obey from felf-intereft, are kept in order by want of leisure; by a fucceffion of private cares, pleafures, and engagements; by contentment, or a sense of the ease, plenty, and safety, which they enjoy; or laftly and principally, by fear, foreseeing that they. would bring themselves by resistance into a worse fituation than their prefent, inafmuch as the ftrength of government, each difcontented fubject reflects, is greater than his own, and he knows not that others would join him. This last consideration has often been called opinion of power.

This account of the principles by which mankind are retained in their obedience to civil government, may fuggeft the following cautions:

1. Let civil governors learn from hence to respect their subjects; let them be admonished, that the phyfical strength refides in the governed; that this strength wants only to be felt and roufed,