been made to divest Salt Water of its disagreeable taste, are the most observable things in this section.-To this succeeds a discussion of the characteristics, qualities, and effects of the Epsom and Cheltenham Waters; the difference between which is, faid to be, that the former is never known to be putrid, being but an impregnation of water with a pure native vitriolate falt, with a little bittern, some earth, and a very small portion of alcaline matter: the latter is reported to be sometimes fetid, and to contain a volatile vitriolic acid, charged with iron, in the proportion of about half a grain to a pint ; a greater quantity of earth, partly selenite, but mostly calcarious, and the fame kind of falt, more consistent, and with much less bittern. Scarborough Medicated Waters, are judged to partake of the fame principles with Cheltenham. In the next section, which takes up more than half the volume, are confidered Medicated Waters of the subacid, chalybeat kind. Of these our Author reckons in the principality of Liege, and its neighbourhood, fifteen different springs; most of which, together with the Waters of Tunbridge in Kent, were subjected to chemical torture. The Doctor's experiments upon these waters, are not only very numerous, but seem to have been conducted with every necessary circumstance of exactness: from whence he determines them all to be impregnated upon the fame principles, and, tho' in different proportions, with the fame ingredients, viz. ' 1. A most • exalted fubtle volatile fluid; with 2. a confiderable portion ' of most fine, elastic air; 3. a martial earth, or iron fpoiled ، by solution, or otherwise, of its phlogiston and metal'lifing principle; 4. earth partly absorbent or calcarious, partly felenite; 5. alcaline falt, and fome partake of a small • portion, or, as that of Tunbridge, chiefly confift, of muriatic falt; 6. some portion of the oily matter inherent to 'all water; and 7. of the great basis of all fluids, the aque' ous element; all most intimately blended, as they are won• derfully produced by the inimitable chemistry of parent Na' ture.' This volume concludes with fome apposite directions for the choice of the seasons, and manner of using these Waters. The natural warm baths of Aken (or, as more commonly called, of Aix-la Chapelle); of Borset, a neighbouring village there; of the Bath in England, and the waters of Brastol, employ the third volume of this treatise: in no part of which are our Author's application and capacity for enquiries of this fort more confpicuous, than in his investigation of these several waters. Common opinion has generally ، hitherto supposed a confiderable analogy between the German and British baths: this Dr. Lucas positively contradicts, and from a great variety of experiments, insists upon their being widely diffimilar. According to his analysis, they differ and agree in the following points. - 1. These baths have evidently one. ⚫ common basis, fimple water; heated by fimilar means, an ⚫ ignited and decompofing pyrite, with the volatile parts of • which the one is impregnated, by the waters running oves ⚫ the heated pyrite, without coming into contact with it; • whileft the other, by running at the bottom or lower part ' of, or through the like pyrite, possibly less sulphureous, ' or being delivered at a greater distance from the heated mi⚫neral, appears charged chiefly with the more fixed parts. • With respect to heat, this appears in different degrees; the • source of the Emperor's bath in Aken raising the mercury to • 136; the pump of the King's bath, at Bath, to 119 in the pump-room, 120 in the bath.-2. They have an acid much ⚫ of the fame nature, more volatile in Aken, partly volatile, • but mostly fixed, at Bath.-3. Aken water deposites a pale < earthy matter, which grows black in its sewers; Bath, a yellow martial or ochrous rous earth.-4. A phlogifton, or fub< til inflammable principle, passing generally with vulgar ob< servers, and pretending analysers of waters, for fulphur, • when it is, in fact, but one of its constituent parts, is evi• dent to the senses, and proved by various demonstrative ex' periments in Aken; but this can, in no shape, be shewn in • Bath waters, by any experiment that has yet occurred to the • favourers of this opinion, more than to me; whereas its de• fects appear by many incontestible proofs.-5. The folid ' contents of the Emperor's bath at Aken, are from 37 to 40 granes in a pint; of which, about the eleventh part is an ab' forbent earth, with some selenite, the rest a twofold falt, ' partly purely alcaline, and partly muriatic; whileft the con• tents of the same quantity of King's bath water, at Bath, ' are about fixteen granes hes and three quarters; of which about. 6 one thirty-eighth part of a grane is iron; somewhat less than • seven granes earth, partly calcarious, partly selenite; the ' rest, being ten granes, confifting of about one third Glau'ber's falts, and two thirds sea-falt, without any proof an ⚫ alcaline falt, or nitre, or fulphur.' With refpect to the Bristol waters, the Doctor's sentiments are, that they differ from those of Bath, 'onely in the latter's containing a small quantity of iron; and forme small dispa⚫rity in the proportions of the oily matter, and the other in'gredients which each holds in common.' * If we have contented ourselves with thus giving our Author's general deductions from his experiments, it is not that there are wanting several other things in his Essay, well worthy of attention, among which we must recommend his animadverfions on the promiscuous use of bathing at Bath.-A point more especially laboured, is to prove, that all medicated, chalybeate, or thermal waters, derive their salutary qualities, hot or cold, from pyritæ: the hypothesis is probable and fimple, but not new; Dr. Lifter is here admitted to have mentioned it before; it was then warmly opposed, particularly by a physician at Manchester, who alfo appeals to facts * to prove the contrary. This opinion has been revived, and strongly supported within these few years; and it is more than poffible, that those who have read Henckell's Pyrotologia, or Macquer's Elemens de Chymie, may apprehend Dr. Lucas little entitled to the merit of having made many great discoveries: however, he has not forgot to acknowlege his obligations to Hoffman, Boerhaave, and Muschenbroeck. The Doctor's orthographical fingularities we pass over, because, tho' they render him less agreeable, they do not make him less instructive: but the candid Reader will be more offended at the asperity with which he treats those from whom he dissents; and which often makes such near approaches to ill manners, that even when we are pleased with the sagacity and learning of the Chymist, we regret the absence of the Gentleman. * Mense elapfo a viro cl. Domino Johanne Floyer, Milite et M. D. Collegii Reginenfis apud Oxonium, literam recepi amicissimam; qua se venturum ad balneum Buxtonense mihi notum fecit. Novitatem avide recepi, et die vicessimo decimo mensis elapfi ibi terrarum ei obvius eram. Juxta balneum Buxtonense ei petram demonstrabam alumine, vitriolo, fulphure et ochra gravidam, ex qua aqua communi acidulas artificiales nullo negotio paravimus. Ex eadem petra ei acidulam naturalem pullulantem demonftrabam. His conspectis post varios discursus, lubens illius consensum præbuit principiis fupra recitatis: fc. acidulas solummodo imprægnari et haud pyrita vegetante, cujus hac petra nulla funt vesligia, nec quovis artificio eadem petra pyrites inveniri poteft. Ab his et argumentis quibufdam habitis, de acidularum principiis se haud ulterius dubitare pronuntiavit, et hæc orbi literario communicari exoptavit. 1 Porscriptum ad Exercitationem de Aquis Mineralibus, THE MONTHLY REVIEW, For SEPTEMBER, 1756. Memoirs of Maximilian de Bethune, Duke of Sully, Prime Minister to Henry the Great. Continued from Page 106, and Goncluded. I Nour account of the first volume of this work, we have attempted fomething like an abridgment of the contents of the ten books of which that volume confifts; but as the great length of the work will not permit us to pursue the fame method any farther, without trefpaffing too much upon the patience of our readers, we shall only select a few such farther particulars, as, we hope, may be agreeable to the public; referring, for the rest, to the Memoirs themselves,a truly inexhaustible fund of political learning! In the twelfth book we have the following account of Henry's journey to Calais, (anno 1601) and of the feemingly once intended interview betwixt him and Queen Elizabeth, who advanced upon that occafion as far as Dover.- The Queen • of England hearing the King was at Calais, thought it a fa⚫ vourable opportunity to fatisfy her impatience of feeing and ⚫ embracing her best friend. Henry was not less defirous of ⚫ this interview, that he might confer with the Queen upon the • affairs of Europe in general, as well as on their own in ⚫ particular. Elizabeth first wrote him a letter, equally po• lite and full of offers of service; she afterwards made him ' the usual compliments, and repeated those afsurances by the 'Lord Edmund, whom the dispatched to Calais, till the herVOL. XV. P • felf ' self could arrive at Dover, from whence she sent the Lord Sidney with other letters.-Henry refolving not to be out' done in complaisance, answered these advances in a manner ' that shewed at once his respect for the sex of Elizabeth, and his esteem and admiration of her character. This inter' course continued a long time, to the great mortification of the Spaniards, whose jealousy was strongly excited by prox' imity and close correspondence. Of all the letters wrote by these two Sovereigns on this occafion, I am poffefsed on• ly of that in which Elizabeth informs the King, of those • obftacles that prevented her conferring with him in person; • lamenting the unhappiness of Princes, who, contrary to their inclinations, were flaves to forms, and fettered by circumspection. This letter, because it was the occafion of ⚫ the voyage I made to this Princess, I have kept in my hands ; in it the tells her "most dear and well-beloved brother, " (for so she called the King of France) that her concern at " not being able to fee him, was so much the greater, as she " had fomething to communicate to him which she durst not "confide to any other person, or commit to paper, and yet " she was upon the point of returning to London." The • King's curiofity was strongly excited by these laft words; ⚫ in vain did he torture his imagination to guess their purport. < Secretary Feret being fent by him to fetch me, “I have just " now received letters," said he to me, "from my good " fifter, the Queen of England, whom you admire so great"ly; they are more full of flatteries than ever: fee if you " will have more success than I have had in discovering her " meaning." I agreed with Henry that it must be fome⚫ thing of great consequence which induced her to express < herself in this manner: it was resolved, therefore, that I • should embark the next day for Dover, as if with no other • design than to take advantage of the shortness of the passage, ' to make a tour to London, which would give me an opportunity of feeing what step the Queen would take upon my < arrival; neither the King nor I doubting, but that she ⚫ would be immediately informed of it. I acquainted no one • with my intended passage, but such of my domestics as ' were to attend me, and of these I took but a very small ' number.-I embarked early in the morning, and reached • Dover about ten o'clock; where, among the crowd of those ' who embarked and disembarked, I was immediately difco' vered by the Lord Sidney, who, five or fix days before, < had feen me at Calais: with him were Lord Cobham, Ra 6 leigh, and Griffin; and they were foon after joined by the • Earls |