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• Earls of Devonshire and Pembroke. Sidney embraced me, and asked me if I was come to fee the Queen; I told him, • I was not; and even affured him that the King knew nothing of my voyage: I likewife entreated him, not to mention it to the Queen; for not having had any intention of paying my refpects to her, I had no letter to prefent, my defign being only to make a fhort tour incognito to London. These 'Gentlemen replied fmiling, that I had taken a useless precaution, for that probably the guard-fhip had already given a fignal of my arrival; and that I might quickly expect to to see a meffenger from the Queen, who would not suffer me to pass in this manner, having but three days ago spoke of me publicly, and in very obliging terms. I affected to be extremely concerned at this unlucky accident, but to hope, nevertheless, that I might ftill pafs undiscovered, provided that these Gentlemen would be fecret as to the place where I was to lodge; from whence, I affured them, • I would immediately depart as foon as I had taken a little refreshment. Saying this I left them abruptly, and had but • juft entered my apartment, and spoke a few words to my people, when I felt fomebody embrace me from behind, who told me, that he arrefted me as a prifoner to the Queen. This was the Captain of her Guards; whofe embrace I returned, and replied smiling, that I fhould efteem such im• prifonment a great honour.-His orders were to conduct me < directly to the Queen; I therefore followed him. "It is "well, M. de Rofny," faid this Princess to me, as soon as I < appeared, "it is thus that you break our fences, and pass on, "without coming to fee me; I am greatly furprised at it, for "I thought you bore me more affection than any of my fervants, " and I am perfuaded that I have given you no caufe to change "those fentiments." I replied in few words, but fuch as fo gracious a reception required. After which I began, without any difguife, to entertain her with those sentiments the King my mafter had for her. "To give you a proof, replied fhe, "that I believe all you have told me of the good-will of "the King my brother, and of your own, I will difcourfe with you on the fubject of the last letter I wrote to him; though, "perhaps, you have feen it, for Stafford (that is the name of "the Lord Sidney) and Edmund tell me, that the King con"ceals few of his fecrets from you.” She then drew me afide, that the might fpeak to me with the greatest freedom, on the present state of affairs in Europe; and this she did ⚫ with fuch ftrength and clearnefs, that I was convinced this great Queen was truly worthy of that high reputation fhe

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had acquired in Europe. She entered into this detail, only to fhew me how neceflary it was, that the King of France 'fhould, in concert with her, begin to execute those great defigns which they both meditated against the House of Auftria. The neceffity of this fhe founded upon the acceffions this house was daily feen to make: fhe repeated to me all that had paffed on this subject in 1598, between the King • and the English and Dutch Ambaffadois; and asked me if this Prince did not still continue to have the same sentiments, and why he fo long delayed to begin the enterprize?-To thefe queftions of Queen Elizabeth, I answered, that his moft Chriftian Majefty ftill continued to think of that affair as he always had done: that the men and money he was raifing, and the other warlike preparations he was making, were deftined to no other purpose than the execution of the ⚫ concerted plan; but that in France, things were far from being in fuch a ftate, as to enable him to undertake the deftruction of a power fo folidly established, as that of the Auftrian Princes. This I proved, by the extraordinary expences Henry had been at fince the peace of Vervins, as well for the general neceffities of his kingdom, as to restrain the attempts of the feditious, and to carry on the war which he had just ended with Savoy. I did not diffemble with this Princefs, the opinion I had always entertained of this enterprize; which is, that though England and the United Provinces fhould use their utmoft endeavours to reduce the House of Auftria, unless they were affifted by all the forces of the French monarchy, and on whom, for many reasons, the chief weight of this war muft fall, the • House of Austria, by uniting the forces of its two branches, might, without any difficulty, not only fupport itself against them, but even render the balance equal; it would, therefore, be ufelcfs, and even an imprudent attempt, to endeavour to fap the foundations of fo formidable a power, by the fame means only that ferve mercly to keep upon the defenfive with it: and it would be indifpenfably neceflary to defer the attempt for fome years, during which, France would acquire all the now wanted, to enable her to ftrike more effectually the blow that was preparing for the common enemy; and would, in conjunction with her allies, endeavour to engage the neighbouring Princes and States in their defign 5 the Princes of Germany efpecially, who were more immediately threatened by the tyranny of the Houfe of Auftria.It was eafy for the Queen of England to comprehend, by the manner in which I expreffed my felf, that thefe were not

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fo much my own as Henry's fentiments which I communicated to her; and fhe gave me to understand as much, by confeffing that they appeared so just and reasonable to her, that she could not avoid adopting them: adding only, that there was one point on which all the parties could not be too ⚫ foon agreed, which was, that the ultimate view of the intended combination being to confine the power of the House of Auftria within juft bounds, it would be neceffary ⚫ that each of the allies fhould fo proportion all his defires or ' expectations, which he might conceive in confequence of the event, as that none of them might be capable of giving umbrage to the reft: fuppofing, for example, that Spain 'fhould be deprived of the Low Countries, neither the whole nor any part of this State was to be coveted, either by the King of France, or the King of Scotland, who would one day become fo of Great Britain; nor yet by the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, already fufficiently powerful by fea and land, to make themfelves refpected by the other allies; ⚫ and that the fame conduct ought to be obferved with regard to all the other spoils that might be taken from the House of Auftria, by thofe Princes whofe dominions fhould happen to be nearest to the conquered countries; "For if my bro"ther, the King of France," faid fhe, fhould think of mak"ing himself proprietor, or even feodal Lord of the United Pro

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vinces, I fhould never confent to it, but entertain a most vio"lent jealousy of him; nor should I blame him, if, giving "him the fame occafion, he fhould have the fame fears of me.

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These were not the only reflections made by the Queen of England; fhe faid many other things, which appeared to fo juft and fenfible, that I was filled with astonishment and admiration. It is not unusual to behold Princes form great defigns; their fphere of action fo forcibly inclines them to this, that it is only neceffary to warn them of the ❝ extreme, which is, the projecting what their powers are fo ⚫ little proportioned to perform, that they fcarce ever find • themselves able to execute the half of what they proposed; but to be able to diftinguish and form only fuch as are reafonable; wifely to regulate the conduct of them; to forefee and guard against all obftacles, in fuch a manner, that when they happen, nothing more will be neceffary, than to apply the remedies prepared long before. This is what few Princes are capable of. Ignorance, profperity, luxury, vanity, nay, even fear and indolence, daily produce fchemes, to execute which there is not the leaft poffibility. Another cause of furprize to me, was, that Elizabeth and Henry

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having never conferred together on their political project, 'fhould agree fo exactly in all their ideas, as not to differ ⚫ even in the most minute particulars.'

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From the above extracts it may appear, that the prefervation of the ballance of power, how chimerical foever it may fometimes be efteemed, has long employed the thoughts, and directed the views of fome of the wifeft Princes that ever reigned. This grand defign, projected between Henry and Elizabeth, was, by her Majefty in this conference with our Author, reduced to these five principal points. The first was, to restore Germany to its ancient liberty, in respect to the election of its Emperors, and the nomination of a King of the Romans. The fecond, to render the United • Provinces abfolutely independent of Spain; and to form them into a Republic, by annexing to them, if neceffary, fome provinces difmembered from Germany. The third, to do the fame in regard to Switzerland, by incorporating ⚫ with it fome of the adjacent provinces, particularly Alface and Franche-Compté. The fourth, to divide all Chriften• dom into a certain number of powers, as equal as may be. The fifth, to reduce all the various religions in it under • those three which should appear to be most numerous and • confiderable in Europe.'

This project, however plaufible in fpeculation, was never actually carried into execution: nor, indeed, was it poffible that it ever should, without fuch an effufion of innocent blood, as would scarce be expiated by any political confiderations whatsoever. Befides, the death of Queen Elizabeth, which happened anno 1603, was an infurmountable obftacle to the execution of a defign, in which fhe was to have borne fo confiderable a part. The death of this great Queen (Memoirs, vol. II. p. 155.) was an irreparable lofs to Europe, and to Henry in particular, who could not hope, in the fucceffor of Elizabeth, to find the fame favourable difpofition to all his defigns as he had in this Princefs, the irreconcileable enemy • of his irreconcileable enemies, and a fecond felf: fuch were ⚫ the terms which Henry made use of in a letter he wrote to < me on this event, which was almost wholly filled with the praises of this great Queen, and expreffions of forrow for • her lofs.'

After the death of Queen Elizabeth, Henry was defirous of bringing her fucceffor, James I. into his own views; for which purpose Sully was fent Ambassador into England, and had many conferences with the King and his Minifters upon that subject; but as an account has already been given of this

Embaffy

Embaffy in the fourth volume of our Review, p. 409, we shall not repeat it here, but refer our readers thither; where they will also find a fhort sketch of Henry's grand political defign, the explanation of which takes up the whole thirtieth book of Sully's Memoirs. But as an entire ftop was put to the execution of that defign, by the untimely death of the Great Henry, who was ftabbed in his coach by Ravaillac, May 17, 1610, we fhall add nothing more upon that fubject, but refer for a complete account thereof to the work itself, which abounds with fuch a profufion of political knowlege as will amply compenfate for all the time spent in a careful perufal, and proper digeftion, of its valuable contents.

The Character of Henry, as drawn by the pen of Sully, may probably be thought the most proper conclufion of our Review of the Life of a Prince, who has had the title of GREAT univerfally afcribed to him. After advertising his readers not to expect a particular relation of that execrable crime, the murder of Henry, from him, in whom the thoughts of it were attended with fuch horror, that he turned his eyes as much as poffible from the deplorable object, and his tongue refused to pronounce the name of that abominable moniter, who perpetrated the horrid act; he adds

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Such, however, was the tragical end of a Prince, on whom nature, with a lavish profufion, had beftowed all her advantages, except that of a death fuch as he merited. His ftature was so happy, and his limbs formed with fuch proC portion, as conftitutes not only what is called a well-made man, but indicates ftrength, vigour, and activity; his com⚫ plexion was animated; all the lineaments of his face had that • agreeable livelinefs which forms a fweet and happy phyfiognomy, and perfectly fuited to that engaging eafinefs of manners, which, tho' fometimes mixed with majefty, never loft the graceful affability, and eafy gaity, fo natural to that great Prince. With regard to the qualities of his heart • and mind, I fhall tell the reader nothing new, by saying, that he was candid, fincere, grateful, compaffionate, generous, wife, penetrating; in a word, endowed with all thofe great and amiable qualities which in these Memoirs he has so often had occafion of admiring in him.-He loved all his subjects as a father, and the whole ftate as the head of a family and this difpofition it was, that recalled him even from the midft of his pleasures, to the care of rendering his people happy, and his kingdom flourishing: hence proceeded his readiness in conceiving, and his industry in perfecting, a great numP 4

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