anny.

enough in their farms and school-rooms for the rest of the week, and devoted Sunday only to the edification of their flock, by service, and a sermon at their parish church. Their other pastoral functions were little attended to. Against this inactivity, the zeal and industry of sectarian preachers had an open and undisputed field; and by the time of the revolution, a majority of the inhabitants had become dissenters from the established church, but were still obliged to pay contributions to support the pastors of the minority. This unrighteous compulsion to maintain teachers of what they deemed religious errours, was grievously felt during the regal government, and without a hope of relief. But the first republican legislature, which met in '76, was crowded with petitions to abolish this spiritual tyrThese brought on the severest contests in which I have ever been engaged. Our great opponents were Mr. Pendleton and Robert Carter Nicholas; honest men, but zealous churchmen. The petitions were referred to the committee of the whole house on the state of the country; and, after desperate contests in that committee, almost daily, from the 11th of October to the 5th of December, we prevailed so far only as to repeal the laws which rendered criminal the maintenance of any religious opinions, the forbearance of repairing to church, or the exercise of any mode of worship and further, to exempt dissenters from contributions to the support of the established church; and to suspend, only until the next session, levies on the members of the church for the salaries of their own incumbents. For although the majority of our citizens were dissenters, as has been observed, a majority

of the legislature were churchmen. Among these, however, were some reasonable and liberal men, who enabled us, on some points, to obtain feeble majorities. But our opponents carried, in the general resolutions of the committee of November 19, a declaration, that religious assemblies ought to be regulated, and that provision ought to be made for continuing the succession of the clergy, and superintending their conduct. And in the bill now passed, was inserted an express reservation of the question, Whether a general assessment should not be established by law, on every one, to the support of the pastor of his choice; or whether all should be left to voluntary contributions: and on this question, debated at every session from '76 to 79, (some of our dissenting allies, having now secured their particular object, going over to the advocates of a general assessment,) we could only obtain a suspension from session to session until '79, when the question against a general assessment was finally carried, and the establishment of the Anglican church entirely put down. In justice to the two honest but zealous opponents whom I have named, I must add, that although, from their natural temperaments, they were more disposed generally to acquiesce in things as they are, than to risk innovations; yet, whenever the publick will had once decided, none were more faithful or exact in their obedience to it."

Early in the session of May, '79, Mr. Jefferson prepared and obtained leave to bring in a bill, declaring who should be deemed citizens, asserting the natural right of expatriation, and prescribing the mode of exercising it. This, when he withdrew from the house

on the 1st of June following, he left in the hands of George Mason, and it was passed on the 26th of that month.

Of this gentleman Mr. Jefferson speaks in the highest terms; describing him as "a man of the first order of wisdom among those who acted on the theatre of the revolution, of expansive mind, profound judgement, cogent in argument, learned in the lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the republican change, on democratick principles. His elocution was neither flowing nor smooth; but his language was strong, his manner most impressive, and strengthened by a dash. of biting cynicism, when provocation made it seasonable."

After reading the above, let it be decided whether Jefferson deserved the epithets bestowed upon him in days of party bitterness, as being a visionary enthusiast, or whether he is more worthy of being considered as an ardent friend of rational freedom, and an able and enlightened legislator.

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Mr. Jefferson's estimate of the powers of Mr. Madison, and his opinion of his character, are also so just, so true, and so honourable to both, that we present them to the reader. "Mr. Madison," says his friend and admirer, came into the House in 1776, a new member, and young; which circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his venturing himself in debate before his removal to the Council of State, in November, '77. From thence he went to Congress, then consisting of few members. Trained in these successive schools, he acquired a habit of self-possession, which placed at ready command the rich resour

ees of his luminous and discriminating mind, and of his extensive information, and rendered him the first of every assembly afterwards of which he became a member. Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, classical, and copious, soothing always the feelings of his adversaries by civilities and softness of expression, he rose to the eminent station which he held in the great National Convention of 1787; and in that of Virginia, which followed, he sustained the new constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the logick of George Mason, and the fervid declamation of Mr. Henry. With these consummate powers, was united a pure and spotless virtue, which no calumny has ever attempted to sully. Of the powers and polish of his pen, and of the wisdom of his administration in the highest office of the nation, I need say nothing. They have spoken, and will for ever speak for themselves." Certainly, such eulogy, and from such a pen, is sufficient recompense for a life well spent.

While on this subject, and as the opinion of Mr. Jefferson is of so great weight as to guide the faith of thousands, we subjoin his account of three others, not only prominent men in Congress, but the most zealous and active supporters of the rights of their country, both before and during the revolutionary struggle.His sentiments are the result of personal and frequent observation, and are delivered with a candour which could bear a rival near the throne."

"Dr. FRANKLIN had many political enemies, as every character must, which, with decision enough to have opinions, has energy and talent to give them ef

fect on the feelings of those of the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the former, they were merely of the proprietary party; in the latter, they did not commence till the revolution, and then sprung chiefly from personal animosities, which spreading by little and little, became, at length, of some extent. As to the charge of subservience to France, besides the evidence of his friendly colleagues, two years of my own service with him at Paris, daily visits, and the most friendly and confidential communications, convince me it had not a shadow of foundation. He possessed the confidence of that government in the highest degree, insomuch, that it may truly be said, that they were more under his influence, than he under theirs. The fact is, that his temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct so rational, never urging impossibilities or even things unreasonably inconvenient to them; in short, o moderate and attentive to their difficulties as well as our own, that what his enemies call subserviency, I saw was only that reasonable disposition, which, sensible that advantages are not all to be on one side, yielding what is just and reasonable, is the more certain of obtaining liberality and justice. Mutual confidence produces, of course, mutual influence; and this was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and the government of France.

"Of SAMUEL ADAMS, I can say that he was truly a great man; wise in council, fertile in resources, immoveable in his purposes, and had, I think, a greater share than any other member in advising and directing our measures in the northern war. As a speaker,