the manners, and feeble beyond calculation was it on the heart. At what still lower degree on the scale of impotence, shall we mark that infinitely small fraction of moral influence which superstition imagined might emanate from an idol? Could an insensible block, however venerated, either detect the open negligence, or punish the secret aversion of its votaries? Could it penetrate the imagination, could it discover whether the soul accompanied the worship of those persons? Or, if they abandoned the devotions to which they had been accustomed, by what means should it regain their lost affections, or prevent the contagion of such delinquency from spreading?

The appointing of deities to distinct qualities, had a further tendency to deprive religion of moral sentiment: for what had Hercules, the god of muscular strength, to do with any other quality in his worshipper than that on account of which he himself was worshipped? Were morals, considered as internal principles, improved by libations to Bacchus?-When Mars was venerated, valour might be rouzed. but not compassion;-when Venus, desire, but not modesty. And, yet the party who had paid his devotions to these deities congratulated himself on having accomplished his religious duties; nor admitted a single serious consideration, as to the moral and mental effects of his services.

But, when Christianity, distinguishing the moral good, or evil, of actions, by the quo animo, the intention in which they originated, taught those who embraced it, to watch over the primary conceptions of their minds, when it enforced the principle by proclaiming a Deity, omniscient and omnipresent, the "judge of the spirits of all flesh," then, indeed, might every one infer the necessity of "keeping the heart with all diligence, since out of that were the issues of life." Then was the seat and center of religion established in the soul; and then, were words, and actions, the general conduct of life, considered as "outward and visible signs, of an inward and spiritual grace," or as marking the total absence of every principle which could claim affinity with "genuine and genuine and undefiled" religion.

Christianity may be considered as regulating the personal, the relative, and the public character of its professor. That the personal character of Christians, is essen

tially improved by the principles of their beneficent religion, admits of no doubt. The fact, we believe, will be universally acknowledged, and taking this for granted, the tract before us proposes to state in the first place, the effects of Christianity on our domestic relations, from which, as his Lordship justly observes, "flows a very large proportion of the misery or the comfort of human life. Among these, the first in order, and from which the others take their rise, is the state of Marriage." Among Pagans, polygamy and divorce, were, and they continue to be, the banes of conjugal happiness. Of these, Christianity has effectually banished one, and restrained the other; very much to the amelioration of the state, and character of the softer sex. The parental relation is the next in the Bishop's order. It is but too true, that in some of the most celebrated Heathen nations the exposure of newly born infants, in other words, their murder, was permitted and even patronised by the state. The practice still subsists in China, where the number of exposed children, is about 9,000 annually in Pekin, and as many in the rest of the empire, says Mr. Barrow. The Hindoos are guilty of the same inhuman conduct towards their offspring; and hang them up on trees, in baskets, to be devoured by birds of prey. The tremor with whic we peruse such accounts, is a triumphair proof of the superior sympathies induced by christianity.

The Bishop draws a very affecting picture of the miseries of domestic servitude, or slavery, as extant among the ancients. The number of slaves was very great. In Athens there were only 21,000 citizens, but 400,000 slaves. It was common for a private citizen of Rome to possess 10 or 20,000. Most of these dragged out a life of labour, subject to the unremitted lash of their imperious taskmasters, uncertain of the prolongation of their lives, incapable of demanding justice, when oppressed, and liable to be murdered for amusement! Christianity abrogated slavery; not by a sudden and general manumission of slaves, not by instigating revolt against their superiors, but, by opening the minds of their proprietors to sentiments of compassion, by inducing them to communicate some of those blessings which accompany liberty, till at length the possession of these unhappy individuals was no longer regarded as a mark of

wealth, and the state of slavery was pro claimed illegal by the edicts of Christian Emperors. His Lordship takes this opportunity to express his expectations that slavery in every country, particularly, under British influence, will be abolished; and he asks," how is it possible for a nation professing the mild and merciful religion of the gospel, to authorise and encourage that inhuman traffic? This is surely one of the many strange inconsistencies of the human mind, which it is difficult to explain, and impossible to defend." On this part of his subject, the right reverend author has spared his readers many of those afflicting details, which he well knows where to find in the pages of antient writers. In fact, the lot of a slave was the sport of what we call accident, when his master was kind and considerate: but if he fell into the power of a morose and cruel despot, his comfort consisted in awaiting the general termination of human miseries. Law, and custom more powerful than law, allowed barbarities at the relation of which the ears of Christians would tingle; barbarities too atrocious to be here enlarged on.

The influence of Christianity on the civil, or public character, of individuals, and of governments, forms the second section of the Bishop's inquiry. We should be glad, if the memory of certain eminent men in the Christian world, could be vindicated from the charge of persecuting those who differed from them in opinion. This his lordship has not attempted; but he is persuaded, that such conduct has usually originated in political motives, however disguised under the mask of zeal for religion. He thinks that Christianity has introduced milder laws, more general liberty, more impartial administration of justice, with a greater sense of what is due from the various ranks of life to each other. He urges particularly the diminution of the horrors of war, the protection afforded to the yanquished, and the moderation of those evils which cannot be wholly prevented, amid the calamitous glory of military triumph. Modern ages have rarely seen in Christendom, cities burnt to the ground, and their inhabitants carried into captivity. We regret, undoubtedly, those who perish in action, but what is this kind of death, compared with the tortures inflicted on prisoners, antiently? or what are the numbers it destroys compared with those

devastations which exterminated alike tottering infancy and decrepid old age, which spared neither rank nor sex, which even included beasts in their proscription, and scattered the mangled limbs of every living thing over the streets of the city which had afforded them habitation?

With respect to all the various nations of Asia, says his lordship, the whole history of that country, both ancient and modern, from one end of the continent to the other, exhibits such an uninterrupted series of barbarity, bloodshed, havock, and devastation in their incessant wars, revolts, revolutions, and intestine dissentions, as it is impossible to contemplate without disgust, astonishment, and horror. [See the dreadful achievements of Gengis-Khan, Timur, Aurengzebe, and Nadir Schah, in India and Persia.]

Yet all this, and more than this, was naturally to be expected from the principles entertained and avowed by the great warriors and statesmen of antiquity. One of them was this, "to glut our souls with the cruelest

66

vengeance upon our enemies is perfectly "lawful, is an appetite implanted in us by "nature, and is the most exquisite pleasure "that the human mind can taste."-[Thucyd. 1. vii. p. 540.] In this most exquisite pleasure they indulged themselves without reserve; in this species of voluptuousness they were certainly perfect epicures.

Nothing can so strongly mark the different spirit of the two Religions; and the consequences to mankind have already in some measure corresponded, and will hereafter correspond still more, to that difference. Though too much fierceness and animosity, too much propensity to war, too many acts of passion and cruelty, are still to be found among the nations of the earth, yet the diabolical principle of vengeance is certainly much abated, and many of its most tragical effects are no longer seen. To a certain degree there must undoubtedly be disputes and contests both between kingdoms and individuals, so long as kingdoms consist of men, and men are subject to the infirmities of human nature. that vindictive and implacable fury which raged in the breasts of the ancient conquerors, does not seem to be as it was then, the predominant passion, the general turn and temper of the present age.

But

That the Gospel abolished human sacrifices, is undeniable. On this subject the Bishop has subjoined a note which deserves attention.

From a late very interesting Publication by Mr. Buchanan, one of the chaplains at Calcutta, called A Memoir on the Expediency of an Ecclesiastical Establishment in India, it appears, that human sacrifices still subsist among the Hindoos. Death is inflicted in various ways in their sacred rites. Children

are sacrificed by their parents to Gunga. Men and women drown themselves in the Ganges, in the places reputed holy. They devote themselves to death by falling under the wheels of the machine which carries their gods. Widows are burned and buried alive with their deceased husbands. And it was calculated, by the late learned Mr. William Chambers, that the widows who perish by this self-devotedness in the northern provinces of Hindostan alone, are not less than 10,000 annually. App. p. 95, 96, 97, 98.-This shews, in the strongest point of view, of what infinite importance it is to communicate the light of the Gospel to heathen nations, as it is the only effectual means of extirpating the savage customs to which they are all more or less addicted, especially that of human sacrifices. Christianity has already annihilated this horrible practice wherever it has been introduced. Does it not then become the British Government, is it not the duty of a Christian kingdom, to impart to their pagan subjects in India, the blessings of the Gospel, which can alone completely civilize and humanize them, and which the above-mentioned Memoir shews to be perfectly practicable, if a sufficient Ecclesiastical Establishment is allowed to that country?

The third Section is allotted to the

proofs that these benevolent improvements are consequences of Christianity; and not of Philosophy, whether antient or modern. Rousseau has well said, " Philosophy can effect no good, which Religion cannot effect still better: but Religion can accomplish much, which is beyond the power of Philosophy." This confession does more honour to that writer, than many others with which he obliged the public. And, perhaps, a service of no trivial nature might be rendered to our Holy Religion, if the confessions of its adversaries were combined, and properly introduced to the world. A very strong body of evidence, in proof of the depravity of ancient times, and of the ameliorating consequences of Christianity, might be selected from different parts of the writings even of infidels, though we must admit that the undertaking would be attended with many a painful trial of patience, as well literary as moral. A few of these selections are hinted at by his Lordship; the extent of whose treatise did not allow him to enlarge this part of his plan.

They acknowledge, that the "pure and ge"nuine influence of Christianity, may be "traced in its beneficial, though imperfect "effects, on the barbarian proselytes of the "north;" and that on the fall of the Roman empire, it evidently mollified the fero

cious temper of the conquerors.-[Decline of the Roman Empire, v. iii. p. 633.]

They acknowledge, that Constantine acted the part of a sound politician, in affording Christianity protection and support; because it not only tended to give firmness and solidity to his empire, but also to soften the ferocity of the armies, and to reform the licentiousness of the provinces; and by infusing a spirit of moderation and submission to government, to extinguish those principles of avarice and ambition, of injustice and violence, by which so many factions were formed, and the peace of the empire so often and so fatally broken.-[Bolingbroke, v. iv. p. 433.]

They acknowledge, in still more pointed and decisive terms, that no Religion ever appeared in the world, whose natural tendency was so much directed to promote the peace and happiness of mankind.-[Bolingbroke.]

They acknowledge, in fine, that these changes are not owing to the cultivation of letters, because, wherever they flourished the most, humanity was not the most regarded; but that from the Gospel numberless acts of mercy and kindness take their rise.—[Rousseau, Emile, t. iii. l. 4. 12mo.]

An Appendix, containing notes and further illustrations, concludes the work.

lic, the Bishop of London has conferred In communicating this tract to the puba favour on the rising generation, especially; and has done a service to Christianity, in which we trust he will have ample occasion to rejoice.

We do not mean to say, that a larger, and perhaps a more complete treatise on the subject might not have been written: but we presume that his lordship's intention was to present a succinct compendium for the use of those who would be startled at a bulky volume. In this he has succeeded. Men of learning may examine for themselves: they can be at no loss for facts strongly corroborating the principles and arguments of a work like the present, and authorizing language much has thought proper to adopt. But, in the more severe than the Right Rev. Prelate

mean time, what becomes of that numerous class of readers whose opportunities are not equal to extensive investigation? When facts are set before them, they can reason, and they can receive conviction as well as others: but they neither know whence to procure the documents necessary in such enquiries, nor does their leisure afford the time required by such researches. To persons of this description we heartily recommend the perusal of this excellent performance.

A Brief Examination into the Increase of the Revenue, Commerce, and Navigation, of Great-Britain, during the Adminstration of the Rt. Hon. William Pitt; with Allusions to some of the principal Events which occurred in that Period, and a Sketch of Mr. Pitt's Character, by the Right Hon. George Rose, M. P.-Octavo, pp. 109. With several Tables, Price 5s.-London, Hatchard, 1805.

THIS pamphlet, at the present time, may be considered as a kind of monumental commemoration of the late Mr. Pitt: and such is the acknowledged intention of its author. It comprizes principally a republication of two works under similar titles, the first of which appeared in the year 1792, the second in 1799: but it brings down some of the comparative tables to a date considerably lower.

As a life of Mr. Pitt is preparing for the public eye, we refer to a subsequent opportunity those remarks which might otherwise be suggested on the sentiments of veneration expressed by Mr. Rose for his late illustrious friend. He considers himself as called on " to do justice to that great and virtuous statesman, whose unrivalled qualities, both in private and in public life, will ever be in my recollection,

Dum memor ipse mei, dum spiritus hos regit artus."

That such an intention is laudable, cannot justly be denied; and now when that animated and vigorous minister is no more, his bitterest enemy may admit without reluctance, that he possessed unquestionable ability, however the spirit of party may continue to impugn the decisions of his political judgment.

Our intention at this time, is, not to introduce even the most remote allusion to party or party-connections, but simply to avail ourselves, for the benefit of our readers, of the information contained in the tract before us. It is of importance to every Briton to be acquainted with the comparative strength and state of his country, at those periods, the most distant of which may be considered as still recent, to which Mr. Rose has directed his attention. The statements referring to the latest of these periods cannot yet have been familiar to the public. We presume therefore, that in assisting their circulation, we promote the intention of their author; VOL. I. [Lit. Pan. Oct. 1806.]

and we rely with implicit confidence on their character and correctness, because, they purport to be taken generally, from public documents of the highest authority; and because, Mr. R. pledges his honour as a gentleman, by giving them to the work under his own name, as their compiler.

We remember to have perused, the former publications alluded to, on their first appearance, with great attention and satisfaction. In that of 1792, a comparison was drawn between the state of our revenue at that period, and in 1783. In that of 1799, the comparison was brought. down proportionately lower; and in the present pamphlet, the progress is continued to the latest returns presented to parlia

ment.

We would for a moment, recal to the attention of our readers, the most prominent instances of Mr. Pitt's financial arrangements; such as, providing for the deficiencies of the then actual revenue, besides funding that immense debt, which he found floating, at his entrance into office. It is thus stated by our author, (in a note p. 9), "The interest of the debt contracted in the American war, and funded at the end of it, was £4,864,000. The increase of revenue, in the year ending Christmas 1784, (nine months after the peace) was £1,755,000 above the year 1774; which left a deficiency of £3,108,000. The floating debt, at the end of the war, was £27,000,000 exclusive of loyalists' debentures."

Besides this, the appropriation, in 1786, of the annual million to the extinction of the national debt, which has ever since been uninterruptedly continued; the addition of one per cent. to capital borrowed, for the purpose of instantly beginning to redeem a certain portion of the principal: the consolidation of the customs; and a distinction established between those statements which shew the produce of the old taxes, and that revenue which is derived from later imposts. Some may think this latter article misplaced among important arrangements; but, in fact, it assists essentially in removing that veil of obscurity under which the public accounts of this kingdom had long been involved; and by giving publicity to our financial situation, it promotes the confidence of the nation, and thereby the security of the

state.

We proceed to select from various

C

pages some of the important information they contain, at the same time, observing, that whoever feels himself interested in the subject, as who does not? will find in the work itself many financial observations intermingled with general remarks, which will amply repay his attention.

By way of specimen we insert the following

In contemplating the amount of the public revenue, there is something more than the mere consideration of the sum paid into the Exchequer. The revenue is not only the produce, but, in a certain degree, the criterion of national wealth; especially, as much of it is raised on articles not of necessity but of convenience, and even luxury; which shews, in a most satisfactory manner, as well what the people enjoy as what they contribute. On examination it will be found, that the increase of late years has arisen as much upon such articles as on any others of which the revenue is composed.

It is a principle of taxation, equally permanent and politic, to spare, as far as is consistent with the productiveness of the taxes to be imposed, the great body of the people; those inferior ranks from whose labour and industry the wealth of the country is chiefly derived. pp. 35, 36.

It appears by the accompt laid before Parliament in 1804, that the charge incurred to 1803, inclusive, was £13,998,000, and the actual produce of the new taxes, in the year to January 1804, was £15,433,000, affording a surplus of £1,435,000 of income beyond the charge; a very large proportion of the latter was for the Sinking Fund, to redeem the debt incurred in each year.

In 1802, the latest year for which the produce of the taxes imposed before 1793 can be ascertained, the produce of the old taxes was Estimate of the committee in 1791, on an average of three years Surplus of the taxes Pp. 18, 19.

£15,433,000

13,472,000 £1,961,000

The old taxes, existing previous to the war, have produced, annually, on the average of the seven years to 1803, more than on the average of seven years of peace preceding, notwithstanding the imposition of new taxes to an immense amount since that period, £1,484,000.

The imports into Great Britian have, on a similar average, during the last seven years, exceeded those in the former period, annually, to the amount of £12,090,000.

The British manufactures exported have, on a similar average, during the last seven years, exceeded those in the former period, annually, £11,296,000.