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"That General Santa Cruz has, with the force under his command, dilacerated Peru, and arrogated to himself an absolute power, sanctioned by diminutive and incompetent assemblies;

"That this scandalous proceeding attacks the principle of popular sovereignty, which all the republics of South America recognize as the basis of their institutions; "That the intervention of General Santa Cruz to change the political order of Peru is a criminal aggression against the liberty and independence of the American states, and a notorious infringement of the law of nations;

"That the concentration in his person of an authority for life, despotic and unlimited over Peru and Bolivia, with the power of naming his successor, tramples upon the rights of both states, and institutes a personal fief, which the acts of independence of both republics solemnly

proscribe;

"That the extension of such power, by an abuse of force, overturns the conservative equilibrium of peace in the republics bordering on Peru and Bolivia;

"Considering that the cantoning troops of the army of General Santa Cruz on the northern frontier of the confederation, the anarchical expedition sent to Chile from the ports of Peru under the notorious protection of the agents of the said chief, and his simultaneous, constant, and perfidious intrigues, to create insurrection in the Argentine republic, confirm the existence of a political plan to render the independence and the honour of the states bordering on Peru and Bolivia subordinate to the interests of the usurper;

"That the continual state of inquietude and uncertainty in which the Argentine republic is placed by the insidious conduct of the government of General Santa Cruz, causes all the evils of war without any of its advantages;

vernment of Buenos Ayres! Why was it passed over? surely that government reads the Eco, the public organ of its rival.

We conceive the charge of assisting the expedition of Freire against Chile to have been amply refuted, since the documents to establish it are not forthcoming when challenged-and we cannot assume as fact that which does not appear to have any existence. But this affects Chile, not Buenos Ayres.

The intrigues, inquietude, and uncertainty alluded to, seem not so important as to require specification in the document very which, nevertheless, would assign them as sufficient causes of war! The original Manifesto, which serves as a running commentary on the Declaration of War, does indeed state these particulars, and complains that the Peruvian President gave no answer to the repeated complaints of Buenos Ayres on this head. Now let us observe, that Bolivia formed at the time of the declaration of independence of 1814 a part of the state of Buenos Ayres; that, in a county of such vast extent, the capital being 500 leagues from this portion of the state, the petty towns

had their mutual rivalries and dissensions for want of an effective supreme control— as has been the case with every nation in every age under anything like similar cırcumstances: that at the time of the separation of Bolivia from Buenos Ayres these quarrels existed, and were probably aggravated on both sides by the distinction of nationality which then took place-that the complaints were mutual-Salta, Tucuman, Rioga, &c. all independent, but all confederated in the republic of Buenos Ayres, had such dissensions, and have them still, even with their own nominal chiefs; for one party are called Unitarians, from their insisting on the necessity of amalgamation of all these petty powers into a Central State, and their opponents have banished the leaders. Jujui, the frontier town of Bolivia, was, pre

"And lastly, that the double and false policy of General Santa Cruz has rendered of no avail any guarantee depending on the faithful fulfilment of his promises: "It declares-1. That in consequence of the numerous acts of hostility alluded to and proved, the Argentine confedera-vious to 1825, in the precise category of the tion is at war with the government of Ge neral Santa Cruz and his adherents," &c.

towns already named. Complaints of these dissensions have been persevered in by It will be sufficient to notice, that the two in them is transferred from the petty disBuenos Ayres, and the animosity originating assertions of the fourth paragraph are en-tricts to the two governments; but the charge tirely false, for the President, in his official of not answering these complaints is oppoanswer to the proposition, accepted the au- sed by the public and notorious fact, that thority only till the formation of a federal General Armasa, after his unsuccessful misThis official document bears sion to Brazil about two years since, prodate August 17, 1836: and since it was ceeded from thence as chargé-d'affaires to public and official, and since it annuls the Buenos Ayres, for the express purpose of pretended violence to American liberty, it arranging these differences; but the gois singular that a state paper of such im-vernment of Buenos Ayres absolutely reportance should not be alluded to in the fused to receive the negotiator, on the strange public and official declaration of the go-pretext that his credentials were addressen

congress.

to the government of Buenos Ayres, with-president dictator for life-if South Peru out the specific addition of "and charged and North Peru severally elected him-if with the foreign affairs of the Federation." all, or either of these three states, chose even This was a singular objection for a govern- to make him their sovereign-was it conment desirous of peace to make as an obsta-petent for Buenos Ayres to interfere? and cle to all arrangement, especially as the by what right? existence of that federation had never been When we notice that Peru, since the adquestioned by the Bolivians. Good-will ministration of Santa Cruz, for the first time (says the Scotch proverb) never yet stopped exhibited both the power and the inclination at the door-stone. Yet the government of to pay a portion of her national debt, we Buenos Ayres stopped not only the negotiation, but the negotiator also in limine, for they would not let him advance, and they refused him passports to return.

With this manifestation of their real feelings before us, we are the less tempted to give weight to the additional charge of the emigrant Unitarians in Bolivia being encouraged to scheme against their own government. The assertion is easy, but here again unfortunately the proofs are entirely wanting.

are at some loss to understand what is meant by the dilaceration of Peru. Peace, we believe, is the nurse of a nation's wealth; peace has been preserved unbroken in Peru during the interval above mentioned. Now, would the foreign minister of Buenos Ayres prefer for Peru what he seems to desiderate for his own country, in preference to it, viz. the advantages of a war?

One of these advantages has been already for Peru the necessity of withholding the first instalment from her creditors, to meet the expenses and the advantages of war.— Yet we do not find the English holders of Peruvian bonds greatly benefited by these advantages, nor particularly grateful to Chile and Buenos Ayres, by forcing these advantages upon them in lieu of their money.The gain, we suspect, of piracy and plunder, such as war has bestowed upon certain portions of the New World, however advantageous to some individuals, have not been so much so to nations as generally to induce their desiring its recurrence. Bloodshed, anarchy, discredit, and debt have been the only results of it for them, and these advantages are scarcely worth what they cost to attain.

For the remaining articles quoted above (or omitted, as they converge to the same point), it may be fairly asked, if the Peruvians of the north and the south in their separate congresses are not competent to decide upon a dictator for themselves, how comes this right in the hands of Buenos Ayres? especially since they who did not (as it would appear from the line of argument followed by the declaration before us), they who did not possess it, i. e. the two nations themselves, could not transfer it to that foreign state. The representatives of a nation, chosen by the nation, may surely be considered to represent the nation that chose them, better at least than a foreign power, which, so far as it appears, was never applied We find it affirmed that the other Repubto in the matter. But perhaps in Buenos lics are siding, or expected to side, with Ayres the principle may be different, and Buenos Ayres and Chile in the war. They the representatives there have nothing to do have sadly disappointed this expectation with the nation, and possess no weight in then, for the Ecuador has offered its mediathe political system. We are led to this tion for peace, which Peru accepted; and conclusion by observing that the declaration the two others have remained in perfect of war against Bolivia and Peru is simply harmony with Peru, notwithstanding the the act of the foreign minister of Buenos "fearful despotism and unlimited ambition, Ayres, the governor of a single province; the intriguing restlessness and faithless chaand that the representatives of the nation have not even been asked to pronounce an opinion, still less to authorize this ultima ratio REGUM! The "concentration of authority so despotic and unlimited in the person" of Santa Cruz, however dreadful, has as yet not gone to such lengths of unlimited despotism as this one proceeding of a min. ister so jealous for the honour of the separate provinces of his government, as to bar the door against pacification because they were not specified in the forms of credentials.

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racter, of the President ;" and though the
proximity of this confederation is even
greater for tangible purposes than that of
Buenos Ayres, or of Chile, they have not
yet discovered the perils obvious to eyes at
a greater distance.
Is it that distance mag-
nifies danger when seen from Chile or Bu
enos Ayres, i. e. through intervals of 400 and
500 leagues?

But let us ask, is not this assumption of right on the part of Chile or Buenos Ayres, to dictate who shall or shall not rule in a third free State, as well as indicating the precise degree of power, and the mode of

breaking forth against and destroying their own leaders because they, the army, will not march against their Federated Sisters.

administration to be permitted there, any republic, when we behold these flames thing but the worst principles of the Holy Alliance, without its grounds and excuses? Were Peru and Bolivia, like Spain and Naples, in a state of peace before, and of dis- But the war is not against the Federated turbance after the great political step they States, only against their elected chief. It adopted, thus endangering, by their open is a war of principle, we suppose, that is to example, the unbroken tranquillity of Bu- trample down that first principle of nations, enos Ayres? Or, had its own form of go- the right of each to choose its own form of vernment subsisted so long,* or so entirely government. That this war of principle united all parties in tranquil enjoyment at includes a hankering after the advantages home, that they should become, like the of war is a fact that speaks rather for perMedian Deijoces, the universal arbiter, personal than political objects. And it is to be force, from the blameless purity of their long previous existence? Let the assassination, tumult, and bloodshed that, according to the papers, have so often disturbed the peace of that country let the depreciation of credit that has reduced their paper dollar to six pence-let the Unitarian party, driven from their country to take refuge amongst strangers-let Rivadavia, Sarratea, Balcarce, men known in Europe for their intelligence, information, capacity, their honor and urbanity, answer this-their crime was the love of country, the belief that unity is strength.

The official protest of Great Britain against the proceedings of the Holy Alliance was sternly rebuked by the popular voice in England at the time, as asserting too feebly a fundamental principle. Yet none knew better than the able and fearless statesman who promulgated it, that the time was one of difficulty and danger. Italy, Spain, and Portugal in convulsion; France still heaving amain from the tempest that had swept over her; Germany in the wild tumults of that enthusiastic excitement which had roused her youth so lately, and still sighed for an ideal; and Russia herself feeling the love of change and revolution spreading through her frame with daily increasing rapidity, and enervating her forces. The tone of England, therefore, was courteous but firm; her language frank, but weighing the circumstances of the time. Still the general voice held all this light compared with the necessity of opposing the dogma of foreign intervention. Has this dogma lost its odiousness or ameliorated its nature by a transfer from long established governments to states like those of America, still reeking from recent revolutions? Need we say recent? Scarcely had the papers announced the patriotic devotion of the Chilian army to their superiors, and the ardor that inflamed them against the Peruvian

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carried on against an individual. The allied powers declared they would not treat with Napoleon, because from him they could no longer hope the blessings of peace. The two American republics declare war against Santa Cruz, because they cannot obtain from him the advantages of war." Is this a satire or a delirium? Have the two high dictating powers so well paid the debts they incurred for former dissensions, that they can afford to carry on a war whose advantages are to be reaped at the distance of 1500 miles? Or is Europe to participate in these advantages by fresh loans, as a bonus for the loss of her South American trade? Bolivia never incurred a debt: Peru, but only since the Union, was seriously taking steps to pay hers: these countries are rich. Chile and Buenos Ayres are involved in debt; the former has actually proposed to pay her debt in 100 years, and the latter dreams of no payment at all. These then are poor; the Peru-Bolivian confederation rich, in money, in productions, in commerce, in credit. Are the advantages of war held forth to incite the poor to plunder their richer neighbours? National independence is then a gem apparently of some price in Buenos Ayres. The tobacco monopoly of Chile was pledged for the payment of her debt to her creditors. Where are the proceeds? Have not the creditors been defrauded of these?

As the charges against Santa Cruz personally, we are little interested in them.— Every individual rising to power in a time of public convulsion is answerable not so much for the means as the end. The mischief and misery that exist in such cases render every approach to settled government a blessing, not a reproach; and if personal ambition incurs no more odious accusation than that of bestowing peace and restoring prosperity, it may justly be called the Vice of Angels. Since the three Confederate States have severally acquiesced in his supremacy, to say nothing of their publicly seeking it, it is clear that they are satisfied and tranquil under his sway, and

do not want any one to be unhappy for them; the acquiescence of the people is the principle of the law of nations. But, were we to enter into personal inquiries as to the steps by which he rose to power, it would necessitate a similar inquiry as to the conduct of his rivals and adversaries under similar circumstances. He, at least, is not charged, even by his enemies, with obtaining power by popular insurrections and Gaucho violence, or with maintaining it by intolerance, assassinations, and bloodshed. We are reluctant, therefore, to go into this particular part of the question, less for the sake of Santa Cruz,-for his conduct, as we observed in the commencement of this article, speaks for itself and for his nation, -than because we would not wish to pursue inquiry in other quarters where it might seem invidious.

But what proof or indication have the hostile nations given of their desire to discharge either their moral or pecuniary obligations? Is it in the pompously paraded restoration in the Buenos Ayres papers of the Order of the Jesuits? that body which holds the end as justifying the means; which adopts in its practice all that is destructive in principle; and with which confession is the instrument that makes the very sacredness of home, the field of domestic enjoyment, the very fittest field of espionnage, where a man's foes are those of his own household? Has Chile shown greater faith or greater wisdom, by converting the funds that ought to have paid her creditors, to the purpose of importing Friars and Monks from Europe, with all the vices and horrors of monastic institutions, because her own sons will not devote We must aver, then, that, from the clos- themselves to those cloistered abominations? est examination we can give to the subject, Do not these acts speak sufficiently loud the complaints of Chile and Peru against for their authors? Where, we would ask, the President of the Confederated States, in either of these states, are the public are but the fancies of jealousy, and arising works, the improvement of roads, the prefrom two different sources: in the former, miums for industry, &c. &c., so freely formfrom the abstraction of previous commer- ed in Bolivia and Peru? We trust, nay, cial advantages, such as we have intimated, we feel confident, that the prosperity of now transferred from her to the natives of Bolivia and Peru:-in the latter, besides the above cause, from a certain soreness at the separation of Bolivia, her richest province, from Buenos Ayres; the consequent loss of the situados, or morey remittances to the latter, through the interior; the confinement of trade along her coasts, and the dimunition of her chief exports (mules, hides, and beef,) to Lima, by the reciprocal trade of the confederates. That these are the real reasons we are satisfied; for, were the dangers of individual ambition so urgent as they are pretended to be, would the Ecuador and Paraguay cultivate the friendship of the Peru-Bolivian dictator? We fear the trail of the serpent is too visible in the proceedings; but though the necessity of warlike preparations, and the maintenance of troops along the coast, entail on the confederated States an expense that prevents for the present the liquidation of the Peruvian debt, the calumniated president has done what his rivals never dreamed of, i. e. evinced his desire of paying it: for we regard his ordinance, that the double duties, incurred by vessels touching previously at foreign ports, may be paid in the Confederated States by the Peruvian bonds, at their full nominal value, however inefficient a measure towards the creditors, still as a proof of his honest intentions-the best that could be given, perhaps, in the circumstances of the case.

these countries is not deferred forever by the hostility of their enemies; and that shame, and the slow sense of justice, will compel these to accept the now offered mediation of Great Britain, so desirable for their happiness, and with the gratitude due to its author.

We have dwelt at some length upon this political question, not merely from the inju. ry which it offers to our trading interests, but also from the still greater injury which it offers to political rights and liberties. We have argued freely from the Peruvian Exposé, because, though long since published in London, it has yet encountered no reply, nor any attempt whatever to answer its statements, which, therefore, we clude to be true. That Orbegoso, the former president of Peru, himself yielded up his own power to be transferred to Santa Cruz, is a public evidence of the merits of the latter-but history reminds us, that in the world there were some baser minds, who hated Aristides because he was acknowledged The Just.

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ART. XI-Aus dem Tagebuche eines in Grossbritannien reisenden Ungarn.(Extracts from the Journal of an Hungarian Traveller in Great Britain.)— Pesth, 1827.

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tells us, of European doubt and confusion, and longed for the East,-the cradle of mankind. He was anxious to forget the actual state of things, and to hear the voice of nature, not that of politics: for all which reasons it is perfectly natural that he should have bent his steps to the West, and come WERE we, which we are not, members of to London. Here he first discovered, for the Society for the Diffusion of Useful travelling improves us all, that he had exKnowledge, we know no one thing that changed the dark (blue) heaven of Asia could so earnestly occupy our attention as Minor, and its transparent sea, for the fogthe impression our national character, in- gy atmosphere (Nebelwolken) of England, stitutions, and domestic life, make upon fo- which hangs like a pall (Leichentuche) reigners. These may be ignorant or pre- over the earth;" that he was close by the judiced, doubtless, at times; and, as educa- Thames,* in the very metropolis of comted under a different aspect of society, they merce, "where the unfixed and malleable may come to us with the same reasonable history of actuality is wrought, as in a manuor unreasonable prepossession for custom factory." He was uneasy at this discoor for novelty that we ourselves indulge in very, till reflection came to his assistance, when we first cross the Channel; swallow- and taught him that "the constant intering admiration in the shape of Institut, Academie, Pinacotheca, côte rôti, hock, Xeres, Salmi, and Champaigne, as if our national as well as individual existence depended on it, or deploring through classical or Gothic Europe the absence of beef steak, and weeping in secret sympathies for a pot of beer.

Let none complain of the want of philosophy in bearing these mournful privations; for philosophy can but teach us truth and what truth can she teach more important for us to know than the connexion between the body and the soul? an intercourse renewed every six hours at farthest, through the friendly mediation of the stomach. But there are different kinds of philosophy, according as the body or the soul is for the time in the ascendant; and to the impulses of the latter we are indebted for the journal of our Hungarian traveller. We are satis fied, therefore, to take our notions of our selves from a human source, instead of requiring

course with calculation and machinery leaves man himself in the end nothing but a calculation and a machine." The feeling of the lofty and the spiritual disappears, and utilitarianism, he observes, rules as in America, that father-land of egotism, that republic upon Bentham's system, where the intellectual is altogether naught, where life loses its principal charm and brightest hues, and finally subsides into weariness; a hint as new as it is valuable for brother Jonathan, we calculate. This gnawing worm of life, however, is most unfortunately not confined to our transatlantic brethren, for it had embittered many hours of our traveller himself, and even in his native land; and hence we presume it was that he suddenly discovered himself here, as he tells us, in the very focus of utilitarianism; here, where, as he had "believed, the body ruled and the understanding, not the spirit, which, in the words of Holy Writ, alone can make alive." All this, however, was to disappear soon; for, once in London, he saw his error, and felt that it was not trade and machinery that lower our age down to the very prose of life through the aristocracy of wealth; and that the shopkeeping of the and the rather as, in our Hungarian's re- continent was a different affair altogether. flections, the placens imago of our existenee In England he perceived that riches are is as little distorted as we could expect in the companions of commerce; not dwinany reasonable degree. Yet what is sodling away, as in Germany, amidst tasteunreasonable as reasoning man? and, much as the traveller before us uses this faculty of reason, we shall appeal with confidence from his judgment at times to our own;the maxim with individuals being, pari passu, applicable to nations, viz. that each is the best judge of its own condition.

"Some God the gift to gie us,

To see ourselves as others see us❞—

less buildings and expenses, but completing splendid edifices. No where in the world, says the traveller, are space and land so dear as in London; and yet no high, nar

*This information may be useful in Germany, But our traveller is a philosopher; deep-where a more recent writer affirms, in a GEOGRAly imbued with classic lore, classic taste, Serpentine river, which falls, at some distance, PHICAL Work, that London is situated upon the and a love of nature. He was weary, he into the Thames.-Is this the Schoolmaster abroad?

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