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Walling strele, the Horne, and the Charle " Kukuk vam haven, wane,

wo lange sall ik leven ?" the feirs Orion with his golden glave.”

In other parts of Germany they say, "Wætlinga is the gen. pl. ;* who the Wætlingas were, how they came to give their

Kukuk, beckenknecht, names to a street in earth and heaven, we

sag mir recht, know not. Chaucer, who could perhaps have

wie viel jahr ich leben soll ?" told us, chose rather to introduce the Grecian In Sweden the rhyme is, legend of Phaeton.”—Grimm, p. 213, 214.

“ Gök, gök, silt på quist, In his twelfth and thirteenth chapters, säg, mig, vist, Grimm carries us through the families of hur många år the wise women, wood nymphs, fairies, and jag ogift går!" the wights and elves, and dwarfs, nickers The same superstition was prevalent in and kobolds, in all their shapes and varie. Poland and Bohemia. In one of the old ties. Most of our readers will have learnt, French poems of the cycle of Renard the that in the transformation of the elves and Fox, we have an allusion to it as existing fairies of our forefathers into devils, by the in France in the thirteenth century. Cæsar mɔnkish legends, the names were some of Hiesterbach tells a story, which occurred times retained, and very curiously applied. about A.D. 1221, of a man who, to save his Our popular name for the evil one, Old soul, was on the point of entering a monas. Nick, is a word of this class. The nickers tery and becoming a monk, but on his

way held a conspicuous place in German ro- there he chanced 10 hear the cuckoo for the

and story—they are frequently first time. He stopped to count the numspoken of in the Anglo-Saxon Romance of ber of repetitions, and finding them to be Beowulf. They were waier fairies, and twenty-two, “Oh!” said he, “ since I shall dwelt in the lakes and rivers, as well as in be sure to live twenty-two years, what is the sea.

So late as the fifteenth century, a the use of mortifying myself in a monastery MS. dictionary in English and Latin ex- all that time? I'll e'en go and live merrily plains nicker by 'sirena.' At present, in for twenty years, and it will be ali in good our island, the word is only preserved in time to betake me to a monastery for the the name of the devil, Old Nick. The four- other two." And so saying, he went his teenth chapter of the Mythologie treats on way. the giants both of ancient romance and of The seventeenth chapter treats of heaven more modern popular fiction. The fifteenth and the stars, and all things belonging chapter treats of the elements, and of the thereunto; the eighteenth, of day and night, superstitions connected with them and the winter and summer, times and seasons, and invisible beings who were supposed to live the superstitions connected with particular in and rule them.

days; the twentieth, of the world, hell, the The sixteenth chapter of this interesting day of judgment, &c. &c.; the twenty-first, book lays before us the popular superstitions of the soul; the twenty-second, of death; concerning trees and animals. Among the next, of fortune and fate. The twentyquadrupeds, those which were chiefly re- fourth chapter brings before us the fertile garded in a superstitious light, were horses, subject of spectres, and the numerous per. bears, and wolves, and sometimes foxes. sonages of this class who appear in the Ger. Among birds, rione has been so famous in man Kinder und Haus-Märchen. The all ages as the cuckoo. But in the Teutonic tiventy-fifth chapter treats of the stories of mythology, this bird was not, as at present, people who have been carried away by the the emblein of conjugal infidelity; it played fairies, and of hidden treasures, as well as a far different part. It was, and in some of the dragons who guard them. The subparts is still, the universal belief, that if any ject of the next chapter is the devil. The body noted the number of times the cuckoo twenty-seventh is a long chapter on magic, repeated its note the first time he heard it and witchcraft, and charms. in the spring, it would tell him the number eighth chapter is devoted to miscellaneous of years he had to live. We believe that a superstitions, which could not be arranged similar superstition exists in some parts of under any of the former heads; and the England." We find a rhyme in most of the twenty-ninth and last, to superstitions conGerman dialects to this purpose. Thus in nected with diseases and their cures. A Lower Saxony they say

large supplement contains numerous collec

tions illustrative of the popular superstitions Probably not, here: the final syllable is evi- described in the latter chapters of the book, dently the Greek, Latin, O. Pers. Zend, 0. Celt., Ch., Poly., Alg., in fact everywhere, the principle many of which, we believe, were brought of existence.-ED.

together after the text was printed.


The twenty:

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these we should have been induced to give for. Benoit de Sainte-More wrote a long several extracts before we left the subject, poem in Anglo-Norman on the Siege of were it not our intention, on some early Troy, in which he speaks of Homer as but occasion, to give a separate article, or per- a contemptible anthority, and gives us a haps more than one, on magic, witchcraft, curious anecdote, for which we may look charms, prognostications, and dreams. in vain elsewhere. Homer," says he,

Before we lay down the Deutsche Mylho. " was a wonderful poet; he wrote on the logie, we cannot neglect the opportunity it siege and destruction of Troy, and why it has given us of expressing our sincere plea was deserted and has never since been insure to see that within a few years so much habited. But his book does not tell us the has been done towards publishing the docu- truth, for we know without any doubt, that ments of our popular myihology; including, he was born a hundred years after the great under that term, both the legends and oral army was assembled, so that he certainly traditions of the peasantry, and the docu. was not a witness of the events he describes. ments of our old popular literature. There When he had finished his book, and it was is much yet to be done, and we hope the in- brought to Athens, there was a wonderful defatigable and successful labours of Grimm contention about it. They were on the will draw others to the task. We have on point of condemning him, and with reason, our table a volume published recently in because he had made the gods fight with France, which deserves to be much more mortal men, and the goddesses in the same generally known than it is. It is entitled manner; and when they recited his book, The Book of Legends, * and is the work of many refused it on that account; but Homer a young and most zealous labourer on the was such a great poet, and had so much inremains of ihe older literature of his coun- fluence, ibat he ended by prevailing on them try, M. Le Roux de Lincy, already known to receive his book as good authority.” in the world by several other works. The The fourth division of M. Le Roux de volume which has appeared is only intro. Lincy's book is to comprise legends relating ductory to the main design, which is to to peoples and towns; the fifth, legends re. publish, in a series of volumes, all the most lating to countries, forests, mountains, and curious inedited pieces relating to the legen- waters; the sixth, legends relating to predary history of the middle ages. The un- cious sones, plants, &c.; the seventh, ledertaking, we confess, is somewhat large, gends relating to animals. The cighth di. yet we are desirous that it should be perse vision begins the wonderful world, compri. vered in; for whether it be completed or sing spectres, ghosts, &c.; the ninth treats not according to the design, it cannot fail to on giants and dwarfs; the tenth comprises be a most valuable collection.

the elves; the eleventh, the fairies; and the In the introductory volume of the Livre twelfth, the Loups-Garoux. We may add, des Légendes, M. Le Roux de Lincy has that the appendix 10 the first volume con. given a slight prefatory sketch of his sub- tains some very curious extracts from early ject, interspersed with several curious inedi- manuscripts, illustrative of various subjecis ted scraps. The first section treats of the mentioned in the text. We must confess state of ihe sciences in the middle ages, in- that the introductory volume of this work troductory to the numerous legendary fa. has created in us a desire to ste the rest, bles connected with them. In the second, we have an essay on what he terms the Sa. cred Legends, including the fables which took rise during the dark ages relating to the

persons and circumstances mentioned in the Old Testament, to Christ and his disci. Art. V.-Congrès de Verone; Guerre ples and apostles, and to the saints of the d'Espagne, Négociations ; Colonies Es. middle ages.

The third division of the pagnoles. Par M. de Chateaubriand. work is to be devoted to the legends relating 2 tom. 8vo, Leipzig, 1838.* to celebrated men of ancient and modern times, With the exception of a few curious M. CHATEAUBRIAND must pardon us if legends, this division of the work will be, in going through this his latest work, we to our taste, the least interesting. The do not always bear in mind that which is writers of the middle ages often knew more obviously its principal object, namely, to about the ancient heroes, and other cele- elevate the importance of M. Chateaubriand brated men, than they had any good grounds himself, and set forth the part which he has

* Le Livre des Légendes, par Le Roux de had in the great events of his time. We Lincy. 8vo. Paris, Silvestre. London, Pickering.

+ Sold in London by Black and Armstrong.

are obstinate Englishmen, and our purpose versity. By appointment or choice (we in examining this work is to see how it il. forget which) his hero was Daniel Finch, Justrates the policy and interests of England. Earl of Nottingham. Our recollection of We have adopted a tone, in treating of our this youthful composition enables us to proaffairs abroad, which repeated and anxious nounce it full of all the merits which afterconsideration satisfies us is the most condu- wards characterized his speeches; and it cive to the honour and advantage of Eng. was in one sense a panegyric upon the memland. One of our earliest efforts in this line ory of the pious founder, because it proved had a special regard to the transactions in forcible ierms that the profligacy of Notwhich our French contemporary now re. tingham was not quite so eminent as that of lates, and of which our two countries took Sunderland, and of other statesmen of his a different view; let us see whether the new time, whose respective demerits were marklight thrown upon them by him who was ed by epithets appropriate and severe. The Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris during big.wigs were shocked and offended,-or the period, should alter the position in which pretended to be so, however, young Can. we contemplate them.

ning did not lose his studentship.* Our preliminary remarks shall be but Passing over a brilliant interval, let us few. One peculiarity in the events of 1822, now contemplate Mr. Canning addressing, -or that, as our title indicates, is the pe. not the doctors of Oxford, but the crowned riod to be considered, -is noticed, we believe, heads of Europe, assembled in congress at for the first time; the foreign ministers of Verona; where it was his task to oppose, the three countries, England, France, and and, so far as he could, to couuteract the Spain, were all poets.* This is a bare fact, counsels of our present author. an unfruitful coincidence; we expected it to One object of the book before us is, to be followed up by an averment that the show that the French invasion of Spain was ministers took a poetical view of affairs, or not the work of the allies, but of France that the similarity of their tastes led to an alone, and most particularly and eminently assimilation of their systems; but we are of the Viscount de Chateaubriand.t only told (from Montaigne) that a true poet

We have no desire to rob M. Chateauwould prefer to be the father of the Æneid briand of the glory of the Spanish war. M. than of the finest boy in Rome.

Villele, we believe with him, was much Mr. Canning's poetry was a secondary more pacifically inclined. The Duc Maqualification, and a secondary sentiment. thieu de Montmorency, it is true, was even His mind sometimes conceived very poetical more chivalrously bent upon war than our images, but they are more striking in his viscount, and it was for some cause conspeeches than in any poem which he wrote. nected with these matters that he lost his If his prose was thus sometimes poetical, office of Foreign Minister. M. Chateauhis verse was a linie prosaic. It had all briand slid into it, with the same sentiments, the merits of his prose,--precision, vigour, at that time more cautiously disguised or point, and chasteness; but it had not the managed; and unwilling perhaps to identify qualities which would lead one to say, this the dismissed with the promoted minister, is indeed a poet.

he represents the cause of the dismissal as Although sensible that we are digressing, still a mystery. Chateaubriand furnishes \ve will here mention one similarity in the no reason for disputing Mr. Canning's ver. histories of Chateaubriand and Canning, - sion, which was this: Montmorency wished somewhat curious, and much more charac- to make the Spanish war an European conteristic than their poetry. Chateaubriand cern; Chateaubriand certainly desired to was elected a member of the Naiional In- make it French. And it was because the stitute, in the room of Chenier. The rules former could not realize at Paris the expecrequired that he should pronounce an eulogy tations he had held out at Verona, ihat, upon his predecessor :-"reversing," as "sith the honourable feeling of the Montwe have formerly said,f "the disobedience morencies, he resigned. of Balaain, he turned the panegyric into an

Chateaubriand not acceptable to anathema," and thereby lost the appoint. Louis XVIII, and M. Marcellus, the French ment.

minister, hos represented Mr. Canning as When Canning was at Christchurch, it asking—“M. de Chateaubriand, esi-il aussi was on some public occasion his duty to parvenu au ministère contre la volonté du pronounce au oration in praise of the foun. der and benefactors of the College or Uni.

* We are surprised that this paper, which we

know to be extant, is not published. • Vol. i. ch. ii. p. 37.

+ Ch. xiii. p. 50. # Vol. X. p. 298.

# Parl. Deb. viii. 1495.


roi ?”* We know that George IV. had pondent to the contrary, his point was dissome prepossessions against his new secreta- tinct, and he never lost sight of it. If you ask ry, (10 whom, however, he afterwards be- me my opinion, says Mr. Canning in his came warmly attached,) but we are slow to first letter,*believe that Mr. Canning announced himself

"I give it you in the words of our Lord as minister against the king's will. Nol a Falkland in the time of Charles I., Peace ! hint of this sort is to be found in his own Peace! Peace!

Am I for letters, and it is very unlikely that he peace because I hate revolutions less than would say that to Marcellus which he would you do? You give me full credit for sharnot say to Chateaubriand.

ing your invincible hostility to them. But It now fell to the lot of Chateaubriand to it is because the lovers of revolutions, in all manage on the part of France the question of countries, pray for war, that I am the most interference, to put down by force the con. A war in Europe, at this moment, against

anxious for the prevention of it. stitutional or revolutionary government of the revolutionary principle, would shake Spain; nearly at the moment when it became the monarchy of France and its yet unthe duty and the chosen purpose of Mr. Can. confirmed institutions to their foundations. ning to prevent, if possible, France from in. What shook so fearfully your institutions terfering, but at all events to keep England would no doubt try ours, but ours have out of the scrape.

root enough to stand the trial. And uropWe have formerly shown that the neu. to do, in a strict and IMPERTURBABLE NEU

ping ourselves up, as we should be vise enough trality of England had been determined upon TRALITY, depend upon it, we might, if we before Mr. Canning returned to office. Lord were so disposed, turn your distractions Castlereagh was about to proceed 10 Verona to our own account, but, depend upon it, we to announce and enforce that determination, have no such disposition.' Rather, much when death interrupted him, and his friend rather, will we exhaust our efforts to prethe Duke of Wellington proceeded in his serve the peace on which we think your stead.

prosperity depends." Chateaubriand and Canning had formed, Mr. Canning here takes the same view of while the former was ambassador in London, the state of the political mind of Europe, something apparently more than a mere off. which, when presented at a later period to cial intimacy. They had conversed perhaps the House of Commons, exposed him to so of literature as much as of politics, and had much misrepresentation. I 'Ultra principles, put off some of that stiffness which certain on both sides ultra, prevailed throughout diplomates think it becoming to preserve. - Europe ; and Mr. Canning “ much feared” We know, moreover, that Mr. Canning at that if the violent on both sides came into one time forwarded, or attempted to forward, hostile conflict, England, if she took any part, the personal interests of Chateaubriand at his would see “ ranged under her banners the own court.

There was thus, no doubt, a restless and dissatisfied of any nation with kindness between them, but as to any friend. which she might come into conflict.” This ship, calculated in any degree to amalga. probability was, with Mr. Canning, an addi. mate political views, or even soften political tional reason for not taking a part. asperity, there was none.

Let il not be thought that we are unnecesBetween a Frenchman and an English-sarily reviving by-gone controversies. There man, communicating upon politics, there is

are those who now vindicate by Mr. Can. to use an expressive word, often employed ning's precepts—we know not whether any when its appropriate meaning is forgotten- one is hardy enough to cite his exampleand always must be, a misunderstanding. our officious intermeddling with Spain. Very possibly we do not entirely compre.

It is thus not only to exhibit the unvaried hend the French policy; but of this we are tone of Mr. Canning's neutral policy,g that certain, that no Frenchman can be brought we call attention to this announcement of to comprehend the simple views of a straight- " imperturbable neutrality.” We would wil. forward English politician.

These letters of Mr. Canning, now first * January 11, 18:23, p. 304. There is one prepublished, throw no new light upon the trans- vious, in French, merely a compliment. actions of the time, because the frankness

+ "When there was any overture or hope of which they display on Mr. Canning's part Vigorous, and exceedingly solicitous to press any

peace, he (Falkland) would be more ereci and was equally apparent in his public declara. thing which he thought might promote it; and tions.

sitting among his friends, often, ater a deep siNotwithstanding a remark of his corres

lence and many sighs, would with a shrill and

accent ingeminate the word Peace, reace."Clarendon, iv. 255.

I See F. Q R. vol. viii. 422-424. + Vol. viii. p. 56,

@ See F. Q. R. vol. viii. 406.

* P. 422.

aux armes.


lingly impress it again and again upon those to England; we fear that Mr. Canning did who, professing to admire and to follow Mr. not reciprocate the feeling. Canning, have set at nought (as we shall We shall make no further remark upon presently show) his choicest principles. these differences, than that they strikingly

Chateaubriand in his reply,* expressed his illustrate what we have elsewhere said of belief that the existing government of France the tendency of alliances to dissolve them. would be exposed to more danger by the tri- selves. umph of the revolution in Spain :

Chateaubriand pretended, for his present

avowals authorize us to call it pretence, to “Si l'Espagne révolutionnaire peut se wish for a peaceable settlement of the Span. vanter d'avoir fait trembler la France monarchique, si la cocarde blanche se retire

ish question : devant les descamisados, on se souviendra “La paix," he tells Mr. Canning, “est de la puissance de l'empire, et des triomphes dans vos mains. Si sans nuire la marche de la cocarde tricolore : or, calculez pour des puissances continentales, vous aviez les Bourbons l'effet de ce souvenir.. cru devoir tenir au gouvernement espag Un succès rattacherait pour jamais l'ar- nol une langage sévère; si vous lui aviez mée au Roi, et ferait courir toute la France dit confidentiellement, 'Nous ne serons

Vous ne sauriez croire tout point contre vous, mais nous ne serois ce qu'on peut faire parmi nous avec le mot pas pour vous ; votre système politique honneur ; le jour où nous serions obligés est monstrueux; changez-le, ou ne compde peser sur ce grand ressort de la France tez sur aucun appui, sur aucun secours nous remuerons encore le monde; per- d'armes ou d'argent de la part d’Anglesonne ne profiterait impunément de nos terre,' je n'en doute pas dans un moment dépouilles et de nos malheurs.”

tout était fini, et l'Angleterre avait la gloire Chateaubriand has here gone some way

de conserver la paix de l'Europe."* towards le fond of his pensée about the war No one acquainted with the public cor. in Spain. He desired to give employment respondence can fail to anticipate Mr. Can. to the army, and bulletins of victory to the ning's reply :people, and thus 10 feed the passion of

“The language which you put in our Frenchmen for military glory; but bis ob. mouths as that which you say you wish ject was not merely to rally the army and we had employed in speaking to Spain, people round the throne of the Bourbons - what is it but the language which He tells us in the present book, t that he had have actually employed ?

Do a horror of the treaties of Vienna ; and he you imagine that knowing we shall not hoped to raise up a victorious French army that we 'shall be pour elle in a war with

be contre, she has reason to flatter herselt which should recover for France the territory, France ? Be assured she is under no such wrested from her by the Allies in 1814 and

misapprehension.”+ 1815. And it was for this reason that he was desirous that no other of the powers assem.

Mr Canning gives unanswerable reasons bled at Verona should march troops into why England could not use the same lan. Spain. It was necessary, not only that the guage with France : “ If your interest in the revolutionary government should be put amendment of the Spanish constitution is down, but that it should be put down by it, or we make var upon you ; if ours, on the

such that you feel justified in saying, amend France, and France alone, and by France

other hand, is only such as may authorize us wearing the white cockade.

There is no important novelty in Cha. to say, amend it for your own sakes, we con. teaubriand's statement of the different views jure you, or you hazard war with France; is of the Allies at Verona. Russia was the not the difference between the two addresses most warlike, and was well enough inclined such as makes it impossible that they should to take a part, but had some jealousy of be uttered in concert?"

Mr. Canning took great pains to impress France. Austria had no mind to go to war, and was jealous both of Russia and France. upon M. Chateaubriand the moral as well as Russia 100 was for confining herself to the military difficulties which would attend the

invasion of Spain.

These difficulties, no appui moral, We know nut whether this

doubt, our minister much miscalculated. We expression, so much a favourite with our present ministers, took its rise at Verona.- cannot examine thoroughly the cause of his Chateaubriand tells us that Austria, and the erroneous estimate ; but we may say that minister Metternich were very much inclined the result confirms that which Lord Častle.

reagh always held in the House of Commons, * January 14, p. 311.

cod for which he was exposed to much un. † J. sh. 19.

merited censure—that it was not by the # See particularly his letter of 31 October, 1822, ch. 29, p. 98.

* January 14, 1823. & Ch 13 and 29; see Stapleton, i. 147.

+ January 21, 1823, p. 322. 27


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