Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

Watlingstrete, the Horne, and the Charle

wane,

the feirs Orion with his golden glave."

"Watlinga is the gen. pl. ;* who the Watlingas were, how they came to give their names to a street in earth and heaven, we know not. Chaucer, who could perhaps have told us, chose rather to introduce the Grecian legend of Phaeton.”—Grimm, p. 213, 214.

"Kukuk vam häven,

wo lange sall ik leven?"

In other parts of Germany they say,
"Kukuk, beckenknecht,

sag mir recht,

wie viel jahr ich leben soll?"
In Sweden the rhyme is,
“Gök, gök, silt på quist,
säg, mig, vist,
hur många år
jag ogift går?"

In his twelfth and thirteenth chapters, Grimm carries us through the families of the wise women, wood nymphs, fairies, and the wights and elves, and dwarfs, nickers The same superstition was prevalent in and kobolds, in all their shapes and varie- Poland and Bohemia. In one of the old ties. Most of our readers will have learnt, French poems of the cycle of Renard the that in the transformation of the elves and Fox, we have an allusion to it as existing fairies of our forefathers into devils, by the in France in the thirteenth century. Cæsar monkish legends, the names were some of Hiesterbach tells a story, which occurred times retained, and very curiously applied. about A.D. 1221, of a man who, to save his Our popular name for the evil one, Old soul, was on the point of entering a monas. Nick, is a word of this class. The nickers tery and becoming a monk, but on his way held a conspicuous place in German ro- there he chanced to hear the cuckoo for the mance and story-they are frequently first time. He stopped to count the numspoken of in the Anglo-Saxon Romance of ber of repetitions, aud finding them to be Beowulf. They were water fairies, and twenty-two, "Oh!" said he, since I shall dwelt in the lakes and rivers, as well as in be sure to live twenty-two years, what is So late as the fifteenth century, a the use of mortifying myself in a monastery MS. dictionary in English and Latin ex- all that time? I'll e'en go and live merrily plains nicker by sirena.' At present, in for twenty years, and it will be ali in good our island, the word is only preserved in time to betake me to a monastery for the the name of the devil, Old Nick. The four other two." And so saying, he went his teenth chapter of the Mythologie treats on way. the giants both of ancient romance and of more modern popular fiction. The fifteenth chapter treats of the elements, and of the superstitions connected with them and the invisible beings who were supposed to live in and rule them.

the sea.

66

The seventeenth chapter treats of heaven and the stars, and all things belonging thereunto; the eighteenth, of day and night, winter and summer, times and seasons, and the superstitions connected with particular days; the twentieth, of the world, hell, the The sixteenth chapter of this interesting day of judgment, &c. &c.; the twenty-first, book lays before us the popular superstitions of the soul; the twenty-second, of death; concerning trees and animals. Among the next, of fortune and fate. The twentyquadrupeds, those which were chiefly re- fourth chapter brings before us the fertile garded in a superstitious light, were horses, subject of spectres, and the numerous perbears, and wolves, and sometimes foxes. sonages of this class who appear in the GerAmong birds, none has been so famous in man Kinder und Haus-Märchen. The all ages as the cuckoo. But in the Teutonic twenty-fifth chapter treats of the stories of mythology, this bird was not, as at present, people who have been carried away by the the emblem of conjugal infidelity; it played fairies, and of hidden treasures, as well as a far different part. It was, and in some of the dragons who guard them. The subparts is still, the universal belief, that if any ject of the next chapter is the devil. The body noted the number of times the cuckoo twenty-seventh is a long chapter on magic, repeated its note the first time he heard it in the spring, it would tell him the number of years he had to live. We believe that a similar superstition exists in some parts of England. We find a rhyme in most of the German dialects to this purpose. Thus in Lower Saxony they say-

Probably not, here: the final syllable is evidently the Greek, Latin, O. Pers. Zend, O. Celt., Ch, Poly., Alg., in fact everywhere, the principle of existence.-ED.

A

and witchcraft, and charms. The twentyeighth chapter is devoted to miscellaneous superstitions, which could not be arranged under any of the former heads; and the twenty-ninth and last, to superstitions connected with diseases and their cures. large supplement contains numerous collections illustrative of the popular superstitions described in the latter chapters of the book, many of which, we believe, were brought together after the text was printed.

Of

these we should have been induced to give for. Benoît de Sainte-More wrote a long several extracts before we left the subject, poem in Anglo-Norman on the Siege of were it not our intention, on some early Troy, in which he speaks of Homer as but occasion, to give a separate article, or per- a contemptible authority, and gives us a haps more than one, on magic, witchcraft, curious anecdote, for which we may look charms, prognostications, and dreams. in vain elsewhere. "Homer," says he, Before we lay down the Deutsche Mytho. was a wonderful poet; he wrote on the logie, we cannot neglect the opportunity it siege and destruction of Troy, and why it has given us of expressing our sincere plea was deserted and has never since been insure to see that within a few years so much habited. But his book does not tell us the has been done towards publishing the docu- truth, for we know without any doubt, that ments of our popular mythology; including, he was born a hundred years after the great under that term, both the legends and oral army was assembled, so that he certainly traditions of the peasantry, and the docu- was not a witness of the events he describes. ments of our old popular literature. There When he had finished his book, and it was is much yet to be done, and we hope the in- brought to Athens, there was a wonderful defatigable and successful labours of Grimm contention about it. They were on the will draw others to the task. We have on point of condemning him, and with reason, our table a volume published recently in because he had made the gods fight with France, which deserves to be much more mortal men, and the goddesses in the same generally known than it is. It is entitled manner; and when they recited his book, The Book of Legends, and is the work of many refused it on that account; but Homer a young and most zealous labourer on the was such a great poet, and had so much inremains of the older literature of his coun- fluence, that he ended by prevailing on them try, M. Le Roux de Lincy, already known to receive his book as good authority." in the world by several other works. The The fourth division of M. Le Roux de volume which has appeared is only intro- Lincy's book is to comprise legends relating ductory to the main design, which is to to peoples and towns; the fifth, legends republish, in a series of volumes, all the most lating to countries, forests, mountains, and curious inedited pieces relating to the legendary history of the middle ages. The undertaking, we confess, is somewhat large, yet we are desirous that it should be persevered in; for whether it be completed or not according to the design, it cannot fail to be a most valuable collection.

waters; the sixth, legends relating to precious stones, plants, &c. ; the seventh, legends relating to animals. The eighth division begins the wonderful world, comprising spectres, ghosts, &c.; the ninth treats on giants and dwarfs; the tenth comprises the elves; the eleventh, the fairies; and the In the introductory volume of the Livre twelfth, the Loups-Garoux. We may add, des Légendes, M. Le Roux de Lincy has that the appendix to the first volume congiven a slight prefatory sketch of his sub-tains some very curious extracts from early ject, interspersed with several curious inedi- manuscripts, illustrative of various subjects ted scraps. The first section treats of the mentioned in the text. We must confess state of the sciences in the middle ages, in- that the introductory volume of this work troductory to the numerous legendary fa- has created in us a desire to see the rest. bles connected with them. In the second, we have an essay on what he terms the Sacred Legends, including the fables which took rise during the dark ages relating to the persons and circumstances mentioned in the Old Testament, to Christ and his disciples and apostles, and to the saints of the middle ages. The third division of the work is to be devoted to the legends relating to celebrated men of ancient and modern times. With the exception of a few curious M. CHATEAUBRIAND must pardon us if legends, this division of the work will be, in going through this his latest work, we to our taste, the least interesting. The do not always bear in mind that which is writers of the middle ages often knew more obviously its principal object, namely, to about the ancient heroes, and other cele-elevate the importance of M. Chateaubriand brated men, than they had any good grounds himself, and set forth the part which he has had in the great events of his time. We

Le Livre des Légendes, par Le Roux de Lincy. 8vo. Paris, Silvestre. London, Pickering.

ART. V.-Congrès de Verone; Guerre d'Espagne, Négociations; Colonies Espagnoles. Par M. de Chateaubriand. 2 tom. 8vo. Leipzig, 1838.*

* Sold in London by Black and Armstrong.

are obstinate Englishmen, and our purpose | versity. By appointment or choice (we in examining this work is to see how it il- forget which) his hero was Daniel Finch, Justrates the policy and interests of England. Earl of Nottingham. Our recollection of We have adopted a tone, in treating of our this youthful composition enables us to proaffairs abroad, which repeated and anxious nounce it full of all the merits which afterconsideration satisfies us is the most condu- wards characterized his speeches; and it cive to the honour and advantage of Eng- was in one sense a panegyric upon the memland. One of our earliest efforts in this line ory of the pious founder, because it proved had a special regard to the transactions in forcible terms that the profligacy of Notwhich our French contemporary now re- tingham was not quite so eminent as that of lates, and of which our two countries took Sunderland, and of other statesmen of his a different view; let us see whether the new time, whose respective demerits were marklight thrown upon them by him who was ed by epithets appropriate and severe. The Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris during big-wigs were shocked and offended,—or the period, should alter the position in which pretended to be so, however, young Canwe contemplate them. ning did not lose his studentship.*

Our preliminary remarks shall be but few. One peculiarity in the events of 1822, for that, as our title indicates, is the period to be considered,-is noticed, we believe, for the first time; the foreign ministers of the three countries, England, France, and Spain, were all poets.* This is a bare fact, an unfruitful coincidence; we expected it to be followed up by an averment that the ministers took a poetical view of affairs, or that the similarity of their tastes led to an assimilation of their systems; but we are only told (from Montaigne) that a true poet would prefer to be the father of the Eneid than of the finest boy in Rome.

Passing over a brilliant interval, let us now contemplate Mr. Canning addressing, not the doctors of Oxford, but the crowned heads of Europe, assembled in congress at Verona; where it was his task to oppose, and, so far as he could, to counteract the counsels of our present author.

One object of the book before us is, to show that the French invasion of Spain was not the work of the allies, but of France alone, and most particularly and eminently of the Viscount de Chateaubriand.†

We have no desire to rob M. Chateaubriand of the glory of the Spanish war. M. Villele, we believe with him, was much Mr. Canning's poetry was a secondary more pacifically inclined. The Duc Maqualification, and a secondary sentiment. thieu de Montmorency, it is true, was even His mind sometimes conceived very poetical more chivalrously bent upon war than our images, but they are more striking in his speeches than in any poem which he wrote. If his prose was thus sometimes poetical, his verse was a little prosaic. It had all the merits of his prose,-precision, vigour, point, and chasteness; but it had not the qualities which would lead one to say, this is indeed a poet.

viscount, and it was for some cause connected with these matters that he lost his office of Foreign Minister. M. Chateaubriand slid into it, with the same sentiments, at that time more cautiously disguised or managed; and unwilling perhaps to identify the dismissed with the promoted minister, he represents the cause of the dismissal as Although sensible that we are digressing, still a mystery. Chateaubriand furnishes we will here mention one similarity in the no reason for disputing Mr. Canning's verhistories of Chateaubriand and Canning, sion, which was this: Montmorency wished somewhat curious, and much more charac- to make the Spanish war an European conteristic than their poetry. Chateaubriand cern; Chateaubriand certainly desired to was elected a member of the National In- make it French. And it was because the stitute, in the room of Chenier. The rules former could not realize at Paris the expecrequired that he should pronounce an eulogy tations he had held out at Verona, that, upon his predecessor:-" reversing," as with the honourable feeling of the Montwe have formerly said, "the disobedience morencies, he resigned. of Balaam, he turned the panegyric into an anathema," and thereby lost the appoint.

ment.

When Canning was at Christchurch, it was on some public occasion his duty to pronounce an oration in praise of the founder and benefactors of the College or Uni

Vol. i. ch. ii. p. 37. + Vol. X. p. 298.

Chateaubriand was not acceptable to Louis XVIII, and M. Marcellus, the French. minister, has represented Mr. Canning as asking " M. de Chateaubriand, est-il aussi parvenu au ministère contre la volonté du

[blocks in formation]

roi ?"* We know that George IV. had pondent to the contrary, his point was dissome prepossessions against his new secreta- tinct, and he never lost sight of it. If you ask ry, (to whom, however, he afterwards be- me my opinion, says Mr. Canning in his came warmly attached,) but we are slow to first letter,*believe that Mr. Canning announced himself as minister against the king's will. Not a hint of this sort is to be found in his own letters, and it is very unlikely that he would say that to Marcellus which he would not say to Chateaubriand.

"I give it you in the words of our Lord Falkland in the time of Charles I., Peace! Peace! Peace!†. Am I for peace because I hate revolutions less than you do? You give me full credit for sharing your invincible hostility to them. But it is because the lovers of revolutions, in all countries, pray for war, that I am the most anxious for the prevention of it. A war in Europe, at this moment, against the revolutionary principle, would shake the monarchy of France and its yet un

It now fell to the lot of Chateaubriand to manage on the part of France the question of interference, to put down by force the constitutional or revolutionary government of Spain; nearly at the moment when it became the duty and the chosen purpose of Mr. Can-confirmed institutions to their foundations. ning to prevent, if possible, France from interfering, but at all events to keep England out of the scrape.

We have formerly shown that the neutrality of England had been determined upon before Mr. Canning returned to office. Lord Castlereagh was about to proceed to Verona to announce and enforce that determination, when death interrupted him, and his friend the Duke of Wellington proceeded in his stead.

What shook so fearfully your institutions would no doubt try ours, but ours have root enough to stand the trial. And wropto do, in a strict and IMPERTUREABLE NEUping ourselves up, as we should be wise enough TRALITY, depend upon it, we might, if we were so disposed, turn your distractions to our own account, but, depend upon it, we have no such disposition. Rather, much rather, will we exhaust our efforts to preserve the peace on which we think your prosperity depends."

Chateaubriand and Canning had formed, Mr. Canning here takes the same view of while the former was ambassador in London, the state of the political mind of Europe, something apparently more than a mere offi- which, when presented at a later period to cial intimacy. They had conversed perhaps the House of Commons, exposed him to so of literature as much as of politics, and had much misrepresentation. Ultra principles, put off some of that stiffness which certain on both sides ultra, prevailed throughout diplomates think it becoming to preserve. Europe; and Mr. Canning "much feared" We know, moreover, that Mr. Canning at one time forwarded, or attempted to forward, the personal interests of Chateaubriand at his own court. There was thus, no doubt, a kindness between them, but as to any friendship, calculated in any degree to amalga. mate political views, or even soften political asperity, there was none.

that if the violent on both sides came into hostile conflict, England, if she took any part, would see" ranged under her banners the restless and dissatisfied of any nation with which she might come into conflict." This probability was, with Mr. Canning, an additional reason for not taking a part.

Let it not be thought that we are unnecesBetween a Frenchman and an English-sarily reviving by-gone controversies. There man, communicating upon politics, there is are those who now vindicate by Mr. Can. to use an expressive word, often employed ning's precepts we know not whether any when its appropriate meaning is forgotten-one is hardy enough to cite his exampleand always must be, a misunderstanding. our officious intermeddling with Spain. Very possibly we do not entirely compre- It is thus not only to exhibit the unvaried hend the French policy; but of this we are tone of Mr. Canning's neutral policy, that certain, that no Frenchman can be brought we call attention to this announcement of to comprehend the simple views of a straight-"imperturbable neutrality." We would wil forward English politician.

These letters of Mr. Canning, now first published, throw no new light upon the transactions of the time, because the frankness which they display on Mr. Canning's part was equally apparent in his public declara

tions.

Notwithstanding a remark of his corres

* P. 422.

+ Vol. viii. p. 56,

* January 11, 1823, p. 304. There is one previous, in French, merely a compliment.

"When there was any overture or hope of vigorous, and exceedingly solicitous to press any peace, he (Falkland) would be more erect and thing which he thought might promote it; and sitting among his friends, often, after a deep silence and many sighs, would with a shrill and sad accent ingeminate the word Peace, peace.”— Clarendon, iv. 255.

See F. Q R. vol. viii. 422-424. § See F. Q. R. vol. viii. 406,

lingly impress it again and again upon those to England; we fear that Mr. Canning did who, professing to admire and to follow Mr. not reciprocate the feeling. Canning, have set at nought (as we shall presently show) his choicest principles.

Chateaubriand in his reply,* expressed his belief that the existing government of France would be exposed to more danger by the triumph of the revolution in Spain:

"Si l'Espagne révolutionnaire peut se vanter d'avoir fait trembler la France monarchique, si la cocarde blanche se retire devant les descamisados, on se souviendra de la puissance de l'empire, et des triomphes de la cocarde tricolore: or, calculez pour les Bourbons l'effet de ce souvenir. Un succès rattacherait pour jamais l'armée au Roi, et ferait courir toute la France aux armes. Vous ne sauriez croire tout ce qu'on peut faire parmi nous avec le mot honneur le jour où nous serions obligés de peser sur ce grand ressort de la France nous remuerons encore le monde; personne ne profiterait impunément de nos dépouilles et de nos malheurs."

Chateaubriand has here gone some way towards le fond of his pensée about the war in Spain. He desired to give employment to the army, and bulletins of victory to the people, and thus to feed the passion of Frenchmen for military glory; but his object was not merely to rally the army and people round the throne of the Bourbons He tells us in the present book,† that he had a horror of the treaties of Vienna; and he hoped to raise up a victorious French army which should recover for France the territory wrested from her by the Allies in 1814 and 1815. And it was for this reason that he was desirous that no other of the powers assem bled at Verona should march troops into Spain. It was necessary, not only that the revolutionary government should be put down, but that it should be put down by France, and France alone, and by France wearing the white cockade.

There is no important novelty in Chateaubriand's statement of the different views of the Allies at Verona. Russia was the most warlike, and was well enough inclined to take a part, but had some jealousy of France. Austria had no mind to go to war, and was jealous both of Russia and France. Russia too was for confining herself to the appui moral. We know not whether this expression, so much a favourite with our present ministers, took its rise at Verona.Chateaubriand tells us that Austria, and the minister Metternich were very much inclined

[blocks in formation]

We shall make no further remark upon these differences, than that they strikingly illustrate what we have elsewhere said of the tendency of alliances to dissolve them. selves.

[ocr errors]

Chateaubriand pretended, for his present avowals authorize us to call it pretence, to wish for a peaceable settlement of the Spanish question :

"La paix," he tells Mr. Canning, "est dans vos mains. Si sans nuire la marche des puissances continentales, vous aviez cru devoir tenir au gouvernement espag nol une langage sévère; si vous lui aviez dit confidentiellement, 'Nous ne serons point contre vous, mais nous ne serous pas pour vous; votre système politique est monstrueux; changez-le, ou ne comptez sur aucun appui, sur aucun secours d'armes ou d'argent de la part d'Angleterre,' je n'en doute pas dans un moment tout était fini, et l'Angleterre avait la gloire de conserver la paix de l'Europe."*

No one acquainted with the public correspondence can fail to anticipate Mr. Canning's reply :

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

we

Do

"The language which you put in our mouths as that which you say you wish we had employed in speaking to Spain, what is it but the language which have actually employed? you imagine that knowing we shall not that we shall be pour elle in a war with be contre, she has reason to flatter herself France? Be assured she is under no such misapprehension."†

Mr Canning gives unanswerable reasons why England could not use the same language with France: "If your interest in the amendment of the Spanish constitution is such that you feel justified in saying, amend it, or we make war upon you ; if ours, on the other hand, is only such as may authorize us to say, amend it for your own sakes, we conjure you, or you hazard war with France; is not the difference between the two addresses such as makes it impossible that they should be uttered in concert?"

Mr. Canning took great pains to impress upon M. Chateaubriand the moral as well as military difficulties which would attend the invasion of Spain. These difficulties, no doubt, our minister much miscalculated. We cannot examine thoroughly the cause of his erroneous estimate; but we may say that the result confirms that which Lord Castle. reagh always held in the House of Commons, and for which he was exposed to much unmerited censure that it was not by the

[ocr errors]

* January 14, 1823. + January 21, 1823, p. 322.

« AnteriorContinuar »