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brance; but he will not leave Rome, to allow the POPE to natural laws would be recognised, yet conventional exigencies
preserved, in full and just proportion. It can be done. Careful become a fugitive, and a dependent upon the bounty of some
selection in the first place, strict overlooking during the voyage, other sovereign. The non-possumus of Pius IX. will insure and kindly reception when arriving at their new home, under the continued presence of French bayonets, unless the logic | the control and superintendence of wise and thoughtful women,
would take off all that might else be thought forward or equivocal of events render the occupation impossible. It may be that
in a scheme, which has for its professed object the restoration of the opinion of Europe and the wishes of the French people the natural balance. and the supplying of a terrible social defiwill become strong enough to permit the withdrawal of the ong enough to permit the withdrawal of the ciency. The thing was done a few years ago, when the Morning
Chronicle Commission drew so much attention to the starving army. But it is certain that, without the continued moral needle-women of London, but done on a very small scale, and withintervention of England, this peaceful solution of the question out sufficient public prestige ; and that brave and good Caroline is impossible.
Chisholm, too, has given her well-spent life to the same object.
But what can one labourer do where the harvest is so large and It may be that NAPOLEON will invite an attack from the the sheaves stand so full and rank? We want the subject taken Italians and then retire in the face of a hostile demon- | up publicly-nationally under the sanction of the Church and stration, which the author of Italy “ free from the Alps to the Government,-recognised as a national need, and applied as a the Adriatic,” may well excuse himself from opposing. But national remedy to a very great and crying evil; and we think the friends of Italy will be doomed to disapointment if they
the time is coming when this will be done, to the removal of one infer from the recal of General Goyon and the rumoured ulti
niti of our most serious difficulties.
And yet, before it can be done, we must have some well matum, that the end is directly at hand. We have reason to
arranged system of preparation. Save in Miss Coutts's schools, believe that the EMPEROR has resolved that Rome shall no
we know of no place where the girls of the labouring classes are longer be the hot-bed of the reactionary brigandage. Car- taught to be really useful and practical women ; and the result dinal ANTONELLI is probably now aware of this determina- of this neglect is to be seen in the thriftless homes, the frantic tion, and if he declines to put a stop to this propagation of rage for dress and finery, the waste, disorder, and travestied fine bloodshed the successor of General GoYON will doubtless ladyism which are fast becoming the rule of cotter life instead of take the matter into his own hands. We have no wish the homeliness and steady working of the brave and old-fashioned to over estimate the power of the POPE, but we must
times. For there is more schooling and less practical learning
than used to be; and the national ambition which, on occasions, admit that so far as the immediate future of Italy is concerned,
does so much good, has sadly warped from their true purpose the it is very considerable. It cannot effect the restoration of the
women of the lower classes. That purpose is work and thrift; dominions of the Papacy, and still less is it able to recall the their present condition is uselessness and extravagance. When influence which in darker ages centred in the triple crown. free, before any system of female emigration can be carried out By delaying the settlement of this Roman question it may well or wisely, we ought first to have places of home training keep all Europe in a feverish agitation and a war schools, or class-rooms where they may learn some of the oldlike attitude, and though the result of this will be
fashioned economies of life, and how to make the most of everyto sink even its spiritual authority lower in the
thing, and the true use of their hands. Needlework and cookery,
and the management of children and real cleanliness of house minds of men, yet bigoted ignorance may prefer a policy so
arrangement, and the provident thrift which knows the best way shortsighted. In these circumstances our duty will be to sup
of turning everything to account, are what our women used to be port the EMPEROR when he is actuated by the desire to purify taught even here while at home; but doubly so if they are to Romanism, and to permit the growth of Constitutionalism. emigrate to a wilder country where the appliances of life are When he is tempted to relapse into a policy of laisser faire simpler, and the means of mechanical help fewer. And perhapsthe inevitable end of which will be war in Italy-we must not it was because this was not understood and provided for in the follow, but lead him.
needlewoman some twelve years ago, that the scheme was comparatively unsuccessful, and by no means the panacea it assumed
to be. THE WOMAN QUESTION.
And herein lies the root of many of the evils belonging to the F all the questions of social reform now before the world,
condition of women, both brain and hand workers alike; they none exceeds in importance that of the rightful condition of
are imperfectly educated for their duties. As brain workers they
cannot compete with men, either for solidity of work or in conwomen, and what circumstances are best for the due development
sequent rate of remuneration, because they have not undergone of their natures and the most faithful fulfilment of their duties. a man's previous training; because they attempt to be masters Some of those who have made this question their main study
before they have been apprentices, and think they may dispense advocate celibacy and the adoption of manly professions as the
with that thoroughness of education which every man holds to
be essential to his success. They are impatient, slovenly, superquickest issue out of all difficulties, regarding marriage and ma
ficial, and want to jump into its highest places at a bound, instead ternity as rather degrading to a woman than otherwise ; by no of toiling painfully step by step, as their fathers and brothers are means desirable for the nobler sort; and, unfortunately, this content to toil; and as hand workers the same deficiency is just section contains many of our intensely thoughtful and advanced”
as apparent. As an instance, which of us knows a really good
tborough-bred female servant? It is easy to find plenty of carewomen, who have suffered themselves to be bewildered and led
less hussies who whisk a duster in one hand and baste a leg of astray from the truth; while others see, in the fulfilment of her mutton with the other; but the real handmaid, who thoroughly natural functions, through these same portals of marriage and understands her work, and does it, is as difficult to find as the maternity, the only means of salvation for her-the only harbour Sangreal of the old romances. They are all fine ladies to the in which her drifting life may safely anchor. To this last party
this last party utmost of their power; and the most usual form of remonstrance, we emphatically and unequivocally attach ourselves, believing that now-a-days, in the kitchen is. That is not woman's work," God's ordinances and Nature's laws are better worth obeying which we take to be a perilous delusion, and one which comes than any amount of crude reasonings; and that to remedy one singularly unfortunate at a time when the women of a bigher wrong by advocating another can never be the way to truth. class are seeking to possess themselves everywhere of the men's
But granting that marriage and maternity are woman's best places and maintaining the equality of the sexes and woman's conditions, as they are undoubtedly her natural rights, how are natural right to a like life with man. The best remedy for all this they to be obtained for a surplus womanhood half a million strong, nonsense would be emigration : emigration to Columbia and the with their apportioned manhood congregated wifeless together in Australian colonies, carried on in a wise and liberal spirit : and foreign countries? A surplus womanhood half a million strong, embracing all grades, according to their need. We should then not counting the inappropriated section by right belonging to the bear no more of those false doctrines of the degradation found non-marrying men at home, is a very large number, forming in wifely submission and motherly devotion; of the right of likea problem of grave social import, and one imperatively demand-ness with men, and the unimportance of the home in comparison ing earnest thought and careful treatment. So the Bishop of with the greater glory of an outside career; we should not hear Oxford said the other day, when speaking of the State of of so many women living miserably and wastefully, ever in a Columbia, and the immense need there is of women out there state of war with society, and ever denying the holiest instincts among the settlers,—women of all classes and degrees, from of their sex ; we should have no more underpaid governesses or kindly ladies, benevolent, refined, and organizing, to well- starving shirtmakers; woman's work would no longer glut the educated governesses, and the sturdy helpmate of the labouring market, and the present flux of incapacity and weakness no man. The Bishop of Oxford touched the root of the matter. longer dilute the stronger stream ; the tyranny of capital would Instead of attempting to thrust women into men's places at home, be somewhat abated, and the claims of labour better understood. where the only economic result is work of an inferior character, | Women as wives and mothers in the colonies, cared for, worked and the rate of wages lowered to all ; instead of attempting to for, and protected, would be better off, and immeasurably happier, palliate one evil by another evil, (because, in a new flowing out and more virtuous, than they are at home, as wretched, starving, of the human tide, the women have been left stranded on the home underpaid strivers in the fight for food with men ; while the men shore,) attempting to root them in the barren sand, and make them now living there unwived, would be saved from ruin of soul and independent of man altogether, and it would be wiser and better body, by the aid of those who have been created to become their to organise some system of safe and modest emigration, where helpmeets.
eight centuries of victory and endurance. Mr. Disraeli flung
over both, as he would fling over the Ten Conimandments if they THE BID FOR OFFICE.
stood in his way to power. He, the chief of the country party,
of the men who still revere the memory of Wellington, and who Saturday Review—(Independent Liberal.)
in office are always talking of the suicidal impatience of taxaThe main debate was a surprise to the House and to the tion which leaves the country defenceless, actually took phrases Government. It had been generally reported that Mr. Disraeli as well as arguments from the member for Lambeth, and talked intended to criticise the Manchester speech, and Mr. Gladstone about “ bloated armaments," and ridiculed what he called rewas evidently disappointed when the attack was delivered by peatedly “our influence in the councils of Europe." And then, Sir S. Northcote, who, if he is a less formidable opponent, is also because our armaments were bloated, and our revenue far too far less vulnerable. As the contest proceeded, it was found that large, he deprecated taking off taxes. Indeed the whole speech the financial assault was merely a feint, and that it was Mr. was a mass of inconsistencies. He denounced hostility to Disraeli's main purpose to bid for office by delivering a political | France, and then exerted himself to prove that throughout the and diplomatic confession of faith. Before the Easter recess, he world the two countries were not in agreement; advised the had prepared the way by a not unsuccessful duel with Mr. Glad
country to reduce its armies, and then ridiculed the notion of stone, and it was not his interest to discuss, in further detail, a moral power. He uttered, in short, all the ideas which Tories Budget which which he had found it impossible to resist. Having denounce in the Manchester School as undignified and un-English. repudiated with lofty contempt all desire to notice any | There is not from end to end of his speech a line suggesting a out-of-door proceedings, Mr. Disraeli proceeded to deli- constructive policy. It is all criticism, intended to destroy the Gover all the sarcasms which seemed available against Mr. / vernment, but really effective only to pulverise the Conservative Gladstone's Manchester speech. Having thus followed up party, whose members must blush with annoyance as they hear Sir S. Northcote's attack, he proceeded to show how a change that their true principle is to follow meekly the policy of a Napoof Government would gratify the wishes of every float- leon. This, however, was not the test. With that strange incapaing and undecided section in the House. It is not Mr. city to understand Englishmen, which will always debar Mr. DigDisraeli's habit to rely on general sentiment or on abstract raeli from the sway his intellect might secure, he uttered a dozen Teason, nor does he address himself either to safe supporters or sentences which, if they could but reach all English voters, would to irreconcileable enemies. As the unpolled voters concentrate put an end to Tory hopes for at least another decade. The on themselves the attention of candidates and agents at three Pope, he said, ought to be independent, and morever must be ino'clock on the polling day, so Mr. Bright, Sir G. Bowyer, and dependent at Rome. So earnest was he upon this dogma that he the Irish members form the audience which the leader of the threw caution to the winds, forgot that he had just denounced Opposition really desires to convince. The Ministerial majority all insults to the Emperor, forgot that the country clergy study is narrow, and it is thought that a score of votes would tilt the his speeches with a weary respect, which a word would devolope scale in the opposite direction. The calculation is founded on into criticism, and declared " if the Roman question were settled an erroneous assumption, for both the great parties include in the underhand manner which some seemed to expect and moderate politicians whose votes may be determined either desire ; ifto-morrow the Pope were an exile, a fugitive, or a priway by a political measure which they approve, or still soner, he who is the ruler of France, whatever may be his name, more certainly by a party alliance which they distrust. Mr. or family or dynasty, could not afford to view that circumstance Bright himself commands more negative than positive with indifference, perhaps not with impunity.” “If," continued the votes, and his energetic support might not improbably speaker, “there was a fact with respect to which there was a defeat the most hopeful attempt to overthrow a Minister. The general concurrence of opinion, it was that the occupation of political Roman Catholics exercise a still more repellent influ Rome by France was an act not of ambition on the part of the Emence on questions in which their special prejudices are in volved; | peror of the French, but of self-defence." There is no mistaking but, of all assoctates in the enterprise which Mr. Disraeli is under. the import of these words ; if the Tories come into power taking, the most unprofitble is a foreign Sovereign. A con they will urge the Emperor with all the weight of English infidential knowledge of French secrets, whether genuine or pre fluence, not to abandon Rome, to maintain the “independence tended, is the worst possible recommendation to any candidate of the Pope," which, if not the temporal power, still involves it, for public favour. The peroration addressed to the advocates of and to retard as long and as openly as he dares the unity of reduced expenditure formed a curious illustration of the pur- Italy. We thank Mr. Disraeli for this open avowal of the policy pose and character of the speech. It was necessary to com- which his wiser chief has hitherto carefully concealed. The pliment Mr. Cobden and at the same time to reassure the country wonld pardon much to any party which promised large large section of the House which by no means adopts the retrenchments, but we ask no better fortune for the Whigs than conclusions of the author of the “ Three Panics." Mr. Dis. to go to the country against an opponent who promises to take raeli, accordingly, explained that he supported the Vo off the income-tax, but will exert the strengh of England to mainlunteers and the Channel fleet, that he had no intention of tain the temporal power. Mr. Disraeli has a reputation for abandoning the Colonies, and that he was not disposed to shrewd Parliamentary management, but the strategy which sells abolish the maritime belligerents. As none of these questions the English clergy to buy up the Irish priests can be excused are at present practically open to discussion, there was no risk oply by ignorance, and palliated only by the certainty of ignoin taking the popular side, as there was no danger of alienating minious defeat. The member for Bucks never proved his the professed economists. Mr. Cobden and his friends, if they courage more completely or more unwisely than when he held trust Mr. Disraeli, will be abundantly satisfied by the proposal to out as the new banner of the Tories, “ Peace, Retrenchment, and disarm and to maintain unbroken peace by a deferential alli. Rome.” ance with France. Sir G. Bowyer, again, and Mr. Maguire cau
“OUR PROFLIGATE EXPENDITURE.” not expect Mr. Disraeli to avow religious sympathies which might disturb the numerous members of the Opposition who voted a
Morning Star-(Democratic, anti-Ministerial). few days ago against Maynooth. They are quite contented with Mr. Disraeli has never been wanting in the sagacity to perceive the defence of the French occupation of Rome, and with the that the economical professions of the Liberal party must be mere distinction between the independenre of the Pope and his tem- idle wind so long as the head of the party was permitted to poral power. A year ago, indeed, Lord Derby declared that the indulge in a foreign policy of general intervention and disagreemaintenance of the Pope as an Italian Sovereign was a cardinal ment. But even he could scarcely have anticipated, in his most principle of English policy. Mr. Disraeli is content to argue that cynical contemplation of Parliamentary human nature, that the the independence of the Holy See is incompatible with the residence | Liberals would have allowed such extreme divergence to obtain of the Pope in the dominions of any temporal sovereign. Lord between the language of the Finance Minister and the action of Palmerston replied by the only suitable criticism when he repeated the Cabinet. He seems to have thought, however, that Mr. Gladthe word “independence" with a shrug of the shoulder or a twich stone's recent speeches at Manchester marked the termination of of the elbow, which excited the sympathetic applause of the House. tbat divergence; and to determine on setting up Sir Stafford There was a highly characteristic absurdity in Mr. Disraeli's Northcote to ascertain the fact. The experiment has resulted in confident assertion that England would never tolerate the trans- the avowal of Mr. Gladstone's unreserved acceptance of the Governlation of the Holy See to France. Such an arrangement is in ment rule of expenditure. Thereupon Mr. Disraeli utters what we itself highly improbable ; but if the Emperor Napoleon thought are quite willing to receive as the manifesto of future action. fit to establish the Pope at Avignon or at S. Cloud, no sensible Justly remarking that our expenditure is ruled by our foreign English statesman would raise the smallest difficulty. Mr. policy-a principle to which the gentlemen below the gangway Disraeli is extremely clever, and he probably influenced all the will no doubt make him welcome, though friendship with them is little knots of members whom he wished to conciliate. The only disclaimed-he points out that hostility to France bas been the insympathies which he failed to touch were those of the House of spiration of that policy. He recalls, as he has a right to do, that me. Commons and the country,
morable speech in which Lord Palmerston characterised the great neighbour nation as extending to us the right hand, but grasping
the sword-hilt with the left. He repudiates--not for the first time, CONSERVATIVE FOREIGN POLICY.
in justice be it said—the policy of which that exciting utterance Spectator-(Independent Liberal).
was the epitome; and he announces a cordial friendship with Had Mr. Disraeli wished to destroy the moral cohesion of his foreign Powers as the essential but the only condition of mafollowing he could not have made a speech better adapted to its terial retrenchment in our domestic expeuditure. It of course end. If they have any distinctive principles these two are dis-suited the purpose of Lord Palmerston to make his reply an imtinct, that English policy should be a Protestant policy, and putation of abject servility to the French Emperor, and unsymthat this country showd maintain berself in the rank won by pathising indifference to the liberties of Europe. Such a re
joinder may be effective with those who are content to forget the ing, straightforward in his actions, earnest in his feelings, swayed antecedents of the speaker. But the public mind is not in that by heartfelt anxiety for his fellow creatures, able to appreciate condition. It is as little regardless of the cause of freedom their needs, eager to enrich their opportunities, glorying in their abroad as of the tendency of great armaments, in the hands of progress and elevation of all classes. The multitude is quite aristocratic diplomatists, rather to obstruct than to promote that able to tell whether a public servant is dealing with the reaiities cause. It does not forget that Whig statesmen have been as little of State business—with the actual resources, the dangers, the disposed as Conservative to afford to the aspirations of European advancement of the community, or only with shams and prepopulations the encouragement of English opinion. Even of tences, got up" for the market," and designed merely to catch Lord Russell it is remembered that Italy got from him no help custom. It can tell whether this man is allotted to the Military until Italy was beyond the need of it. The non-intervention department because he knows it thoroughly, that to the Navy practised by our Government, whoever was their head or bccause he is at home amid ships and sailors and the statesmanorgan, has been a non-intervention forced upon them by ship of the Marine; this other to Finance because he is master of a public too well aware that interference would be upon economy in theory and practice; and a fourth to the head of the the wrong side. It is certain that Austria has had no Cabinet, because to extraordinary energy and experience, he fewer complments paid to her by Lord Palmerston than by Lord adds no less insight into the characters of men, and a manly Derby; and that France has been the object of our Liberal heartiness which makes his colleagues friends and trusting comPremier's inveterate hostility exactly in proportion to the panions. It can tell whether the statesmen are fung together liberality of French policy. It is, therefore, an impudent pre- by the gambling associations of faction, or by genuine agreement. text, exceeding the submissive capability even of this trustful in a policy common to all, understood by all, sustained by all. It people, to answer the most serious proposal of retrenchment yet knows such men when it has them, and it is not likely to long made by professions of devotion to Continental freedom. Lord for others in the mere love of change, still less to disgrace from Palmerston cannot be suffered to make his compulsory abstinence office the true representative of the nation, its sentiments and from a pro-Austrian crusade an excuse for building enormous purpose, in order that a few party men, suddenly professing their armaments against France. If the Conservative leader be really belief in Peel as a political prophet, may enthrone as the leading about to compete with Mr. Gladstone in measures of economy, Minister of this great and practical country that surviving let not the competition be disturbed by false issues. Notá " Curiosity of Literature” who has made finance a farce and shilling of the millions spent on military or naval preparations statesmanship a sham. . has gone to the aid of Italy—though much might huve gone the other way if the English people had not taken alarm at Whig · THE SOPHIST AND THE STATESMAN. menaces of Italian development towards the Adriatic. A
Morning Post-(Aristocratic- Ministerial). resolution pledging the house to a reduction of public burdens will deserve support, come whence it mav-and none the less
The difference between the sophist and the statesman was never that it be preceded by a formal repudiation of that policy of more strikingly exemplified than in the contrast furnished by the universal domination which has gone far to leave us without a
speeches of Mr. Disraeli and Lord Palmerston on Thursday night.
sp friend abroad. while it bas crushed political progress under
We have no hesitation in saying that the Conservative party heavy burdens here at home.
must be lost to every sense of shame or honour if, after the har
angne now inflicted on them by their leader, they still consent to “ THEY MANAGE THESE THINGS BETTER IN FRANCE.”
follow his reckless guidance. For any assurance they have to
the contrary, he may stand up again next week, and proclaim Standard-(Anti-Ministerial).
that imperialism or socialism forms the true foundation of the France has got a Finance Minister who preaches economy | English State, and Methodism or Mormonism the life and soul of and means it, who enforces his views not by whining drivel about the English Church. They would, in the event of his doing so, popular agitation, but by taking up a resolute stand on the al- have no greater right to feel astonished and to complain than they ternatire of retrenchment or resignation; and France is, there would have when, after having voted with him, whether in office fore, month by month reducing her army, and thus giving all or in opposition, year after year, on every occasion in which it Europe assurances of peace. In this auspicious state of things has been thought necessary by the House of Commons a patriotic Minister would rejoice to find an opportunity for to increase the defences or to augment the military and easing the strain upon the country's exertions, for slackening naval force of the country, he now suddenly turns round upon the pace of her expenditure, for relaxing if not for unbuckling them and denounces the folly of bloated armaments.” Following her armour. But we can quite understand that a Minister of a the movements of this treacherous will-o'-the-wisp, they have voted different type would see in such a combination of events only & for coast defences and Armstrong guns and plated ships, and means of pushing forward with more eagerness his own ambi- | they have done all this only to find themselves suddenly imtious designs, for pushing forward his own projects, for insisting | mersed in the Radical quagmire from wbich Mr. Bright croaks with more arrogance than ever in taking the foremost place in forth his unpatriotic notes. There are moments when one is the Councils of Europe, and aspiring to be the arbiter of the almost tempted to frame from Mr. Disraeli's political career the destinies of the world. We do not deny that the position, if it theory by which some writers have attempted to explain away could be attained, is a dazzling one. We will not here dispute the writings of Macchiavelli and the acts of Sunderland. One whether our Minister is capable of filling it. If he were we is almost lead to the conclusion that the member for Buckingshould be far from grudging him the glory. All we say is, hamshire would prepare by temporary and short-lived triumph that the mere effort to attain it is a rery expensive not to say the final ruin of his party; that he has assumed the Con. a dangerous process. And it happens that both the expense servative mask in order to sow more effectually than he could and the danger are to be incurred by the people. The time bas otherwise have done the seeds of revolution ; that he wormed come when the people are compelled to ask themselves whether himself into the confidence of the old aristocracy of England they are willing to incur that expense and that danger for the to obtain the opportunity of stabbing it to the heart; and sake of retaining Lord Palmerston in power.
that the “organised hypocrisy ” with wbich he taunted the
late Sir Robert Peel is a charge to which he has made PERSONALITIES OF POLITICAL WARFARE. himself far more amenable. There is no necessity, however, Daily Telegraph—(Democratic-Ministerial).
for any such refined theory to explain the true character of Mr. The real objects of the attack made by the pretender to place Disraeli's tactics. It was unconsciously revealed by himself in his in the interests of party were the policy of free trade, and the most characteristic denunciation of moral power and influence as most distinguished living master of that policy. It was a game an instrument of international policy. By the exercise of that which relied upon an appeal to the disguised and obsolete super- | moral power and influence, Lord Palmerston, the Conservative stitions of Protection, as an instrument to ruin the man; and
leader affirms, exasperates in his foreign policy the allies of Engthe personal character of the assault came out undisguisedlv. land. There is very little doubt of the fact that, by the exercise We do not, however, complain of that. At one time, when of moral power and influence, Lord Palmerston checkmates his rulers were despotic and their followers corrupt, personal in- political opponents at home. Hence all these bitter tears. Im-fluences were flagrant and rampant; at a later period, decorum potent to wield, because unable to understand and appreciate, suppressed the abuse, and etiquette dictated a polite silence | the moral artillery of enlightened European opinions, Mr. Disabout things so vulgar; but the danger has passed, and the raeli now proposes to carry on a political warfare by the small reserve has grown to be a cant, which is in itself an abuse. party tactics of Walpoles and Pelhams. He has secured the So long as men govern men, personality will be a powerful favour of one section in Parliament (the Ultramontapists) by element in political rule, and heaven forbid that it should professing a profound interest in the independence of the Pope, be otherwise. Poor indeed must be the genius of that states taking very good care to ignore the fact that the dependence of man who, not sympathising with his countrymen heart and Pius IX. on the Austrian garrisons in tbe Leglations was so soul, is unable to understand how to guide them, to qualify absolute as to compel him to maintain, out of his own private their errors, to evoke their powers, and to make them his purse, the women of loose character following the Croat allies and coadjutors rather than his slaves, bis obstructions, regiments; and that his present dependence on the French percbance his enemies. In their turn, the people, and most | general commanding-in-chief at Rome, though in practice especially in a constitutional State, must judge of their Go | less humiliating, is quite as complete. Ignoring such facts, vernments most often, most chiefly, and we believe, most safely, Mr. Disraeli, as the champion of Papal Independence, by their personal characters. You cannot divorce the deeds of has increased, by a few votes, the phalanx of his supporters. the man from his qualities. You cannot teach the multitude to And now he has made a similar attempt with Mr. Bright and the form its judgment on every technical or departmental point ; politicians of the Manchester School. The cry of “ Papal Indebut it is able to learn how far a statesman is frank in his reason-pendence" has gained a few votes, the cry of “bloated arma
ments" may gain a good many more." We may be sure that his inference was that we ought to leave the settlement of another cry more captivating and popular is behind, and that it the Pope's affair cordially and unreservedly in the hands of is intended to detach, if possible, a greater number of supporters Napoleon. Those then who are satisfied with Napoleon may be from the present Government. Mr. Disraeli evidently intends to satisfied with Mr. D'Israeli's declaration. Those who distrust gain over his reinforcements by tactics akin to those by which the French Emperor will continue to distrust the English Tory. the survivor of the three Roman brothers obtained his legendary | At the present inoment of uncertainty it is at least curious that triumph. It is, by the way, rather a curious coincidence that the he should thus have broken his long silence by a declaration in elaborate political disquisition in which Mr. Disraeli has just set favour of Napoleon. Is there any connection between this move forth the imminent danger of a rupture of our alliance with and those which Continental Catholics, with or without reason, France, froni a possible disagreement on the Roman question, believe to be going on for a compromise between the Courts of should have been preceded only a very few days by the article to Paris and Turin ? the same effect in the Austrian journal to which we yesterday thought it necessary to call the attention of our readers. The
POLITICAL PROFLIGACY. chords of English and Austrian Conservatism vibrate together in a significant and suggestive sympathy.
Daily News-(Radical— Ministerial).
Mr. Disraeli does not pretend that the policy of the Govern “BLOATED ARMAMENTS.”
ment is changed : yet, whereas a year or two ago it was too John Bull-(Conservative, Anti-Ministerial.)
favourable to Freuch interests and designs, it is now too inde
pendent of the French alliance. So, too, with respect to the Lord Palmerston.chuckled over his retort to Mr. Disraeli,
- bloated armaments" wbich Mr. Disraeli denounces at this con"Why, if the expenditure is excessive-if we maintain bloated
renient season for condemning the budget of the year. These armaments '- you made no objection when the votes were
“ bloated armaments," it seems, represent the “ moral power” passed,” evidently in the belief that he has rebuffed the whole
which a Liberal English Government claims to exercise in the country in the person of Mr. Disraeli. The retort is equally
councils of Europe. Yet it was the Government of which Mr. feeble and fallacious, both in its application to Mr. Disraeli and
Disraeli was a burning and a shining light, that in a fit of panic to the nation at large. The Government came down to the
and passion, when the Italian war of Independence was declared house and told us that certain sums were necessary for the de
in '59, suddenly, by Order in Council, swept into the navy ten fence of the country. On the faith of that statement Parliament
thousand bounty-men, at an enormous cost, in order to support granted the sums, Vr. Disraeli did not oppose, and the nation
Lord Malinesbury's moral demonstrations in the Meditergrinned and bore it. It is perfectly consistent with all this that
ranean in favour of Austria, and against France and Italy. we may have a foolish, petulant Government which is likely
Doubtless the sincere and eloquent author of the “ Three to drift us into a war, and on that account we may find it ne.
Panics " has not forgotten these antecedents of his latest and cessary to burden ourselves with extensive preparations. It is
most unexpected disciple. That Mr. Disraeli should abound in not the less incumbent on us when we have found the money to
sneers at "moral power,” is not more surprising than that he make ourselves safe, to take our Government to task and urge
should treat any mention of “political morality" as almost a them to avoid the follies which bring us into so much danger,
personal insult. He is terribly afraid of the Holy Father's going and mulct us in such heavy expense. This was the lesson
to " one of the cities on the Danube "some fine morning. Where, which Mr. Disraeli read to the Cabinet, and we hope that
we should like to know, did Mr. Disraeli expect the Holy Father they will be the better for it.
to go to in the spring of 1859, when he came down to the House
of Commons to announce the immediate departure of the French PEACE WITH ROME.
troops from Rome? Austria, it is true, was at that date in Examiner-(Ministerial, Liberal).
occupation of the Romagna, and in possession of Lombardy, and A party cry is sadly wanted, and last year it seemed that the the legions of France had not crossed the Alps. And this is the Church was to be taken under Mr. D'israeli's special care, but by statesmanship with which the member for Bucks proposes to some curious legerdemain the Church of Rome has been taken secure the wavering allegiance of the honest country gentlemen up instead of the Church of England, and truth to say, Rome has of England, and to seduce the intellect of independent Liberals not been ungrateful for the preference. But that is only sectional, | below the gangway. so economy is now the word, and down with bloated armaments, and up with peace and good-will with all nations. But, unfortu
THE KOH-I-NOOR. nately, the country, which is of a suspicious, distrustful turn,
W E can hardly wonder that this—the queen of jewels-atasks what were your votes upon the estimates for the said bloated
V tracts so much attention in the International Exhibition. armaments ? and to make the matter worse, Mr. D'israeli's righthand man, Sir Stafford Northcote, advocates an economy con
It is something to see the finest diamond the world has yet sistent with an expenditure for all means of strengthening our
produced; but we shall add very largely to its interest by
giving some brief particulars of its history. Many are probably military resources and the adoption of every new scheme for man
aware that it was surrendered to the Queen of Great Britain slaying. If this be reformation, what is abuse ; if this be economy,
upon the annexation of the Punjab empire, and passed together what is waste ?
with the Sikh dominion from the hands of Dhuleep Singh, to
the possession of Queen Victoria. It had long been the proFRIENDSHIP FOR THE POPE.
perty of the Khalsa Rajahs, and was believed to carry with it Tablet-(Romanist and Derbyite).
the evil influence of the genii of the mines, who were supposed We have only room at present to notice the salient points of the to be envious of its possessors. Karna, King of Anga, was its manly and powerful speech of Mr. Disraeli. The right hon
first owner. Passing through many hands, it came to the Rajah gentleman carefully re-affirmed the policy of the Conservative
of Ujayin, who lost it, together with his kingdom, by an invasion Party in the Affairs of Italy ; and in particular emphatically re
of the Mahommedans. Subsequently we find Ala-ood-deen, peated his opinion that it was the duty of a British statesman Sultan of Delhi, grasping the unparalleled jewel, but it was to look carefully to the preservation of the independence of the
again lost by his son to his Mogul conqueror. The influence Pope. Lord Palmerston, in reply, began by distinctly laying ascribed was,, no
ascribed was, no doubt, well-founded upon the consequences down that absolute difference between his foreign policy and
of its possession. One Eastern potentate had prudence enough Lord Malmesbury's, which Catholic Whigs both in Ireland and
to decline the dangerous treasure. “My son, Humayon," says England were once so eager to deny, and are still so reluctant to
| his memoirs, "hath won a jewel of the Rajah, ralued at half the
his memoirs, “hath won a jewel o admit, and when he spoke of the independence of the Pope, for
daily expenses of the entire world, the which when he would want of words to express his contempt, he made “ a gesture,”
have given me for Peskash, I presented it back to him." The says the reporter of the Times, “ so expressive as to call forth
want of such caution cost Mohammed Shah dearly. When he loud and prolonged cheering."
advanced with the “ Mountain of light” glittering on his tur.
ban to meet his conqueror Nadir Shah, the Affghan chief saw FRIENDSHIP FOR LOUIS NAPOLEON.
the jewel, and felt his power. “We will be friends," he said,
"and change our turbans in pledge of friendship." Suiting Weekly Register-(Romanist and Philo-Gallican.)
action to his words, he compelled rather than invited the exMr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, if they believe Mr. Disraeli is change. It remained among the princes of the Doorannee empire sincere, will hail him as a new partisan. But, as Lord until Shah Suojah, the last of his line, visited the powerful and Palmerston said, he threw out friendly signals to every portion ambitious Maharajah Runjeet Singh. Then it became part of of the house-except the Ministers. Among others, he tried the gorgeous regalia of the Sikh empire. When Rupjeet lay on to win Catholic support. Major O'Reilly's election, no doubt, nis death-bed, Brahmins begged the jewel for the forehead of has alarmed him, lest other Catholic constituencies, instead of Juggernaut. It is doubtful whether they obtained his consent, allowing their just anger against Lord Palmerston and Lord but certain that it never adorned the idol. Shere Singh wore Russell to make them his creatures, should, like that of Long. it, and his son, the last of the Maharajahs, handed it over to her ford, return independent Liberals, as little disposed to become Majesty. We are glad that the Maharajah bas followed its slaves to him as to them. Accordingly, professing entire in- fortunes, and is often the honored guest of the Royal Lady, the difference on the question of the Pope's temporal power, he present mistress of the jewel. The genii of the mines are doubturged the importance, alike to France and to England, of his less satisfied, and seeing Victoria surrounded by the still more spiritual independence. His declaration will no doubt be made queenly ornaments of an affectionate people, and a pure and a great deal of by those few Catholics who only desire an excuse virtuous lise, cease to envy its possession to so richly endowed for supporting him. Among others, it will weigla little. For a monarch.
fu! avoidance of any comparison between England and America,
to leave his followers in doubt as to what his opinions are, after PEACE THEORIES AND WAR EXPENDITURE.* the experience of more than a quarter of a century. “These are TOR good or evil, the people of Great Britain and the people of |
times which try men's souls.” No honest politician, therefore, T the United States must always exercise a powerful influence
can take refuge in neutrality. The working classes of this upon each other. Speaking the same language, living under the
country, so far as they are politicians rather than socialists, have same laws, professing the same religious creed, and carrying on
been in the habit of looking upon the American Constitution, in & perpetual interchange of sentiment and opinion upon all the
| Church and State, as the perfect model we ought to imitate in all great questions which most deeply concern humanity, the two
our attempts at Parliamentary or Church Reform. From father peoples cannot but feel that they have a common interest in each
to son, for three-quarters of a century, they have been educated other's social, political, and religious condition; that whatever
in this creed. Paine's “Rights of Man ” has been the political promotes the welfare of the one nation must be beneficial to the
gospel of English Democracy ever since 1792, and all the other; and that everything which materially injures the one
speeches and pamphlets of Mr. Cobden, and other “ certificated must, sooner or later, inflict a corresponding injury upon both.
masters" of the Manchester School, have been calculated to With motives so powerful for taking a mutual interest in the
strengthen their faith in the doctrines of that Handy Book for respective opinions and policy of each other, it is natural that
Revolutionists. the American people, through the hundred tongues of its journal
In the pamphlet entitled “ England, Ireland, and America," Mr. ism, should indulge in pretty severe comments on the real or
Cobden endeavoured to show that “our oppressive public estaballeged defects and errors of our aristocratic Republic, and that
lishments are, throughout, modelled unnecessarily for the service English journalists—when a hostile comparison has been pro
of the Commonwealth, upon a scale enormously disproportioned voked-should pronounce a no less severe condemnation of the to those of our more economical rivals." In 1835, when that faults and blunders of the American Democratic Republic. pamphlet was written, our annual expenditure was about
When Mr. Cobden, under the well-known signature of « A £46,000,000, a burden far too heavy, as he alleged, for the people Manchester Manufacturer," made his first appearance as a pam
of this country to bear with patience, and, therefore, he proposed phleteer, the prevailing tendency of English statesmen was to a sweeping reduction of the Army and Navy Estimates, as the eschew all such comparisons, as likely to do more harm than good;
first step towards reform. Should it be urged that the assimibut this reserve on their part was not ascribed to any honest
lating our institutions to those of America would be the work of motive by the majority of English Radicals, who were eager to
Revolution rather than Reform, he was quite prepared to risk the assimilate our institutions as much as possible to the Jeffersonian
consequences. "If it be objected that an economical Governpattern, and, therefore, always on the alert to draw comparisons
ment is inconsistent with the monarchical and aristocratical inbetween the judicious economy of the United States and the
stitutions of this land; then we answer, let an unflinching wasteful expenditure of Great Britain. Hence the complaint
economy and retrenchment be enforced-ruat cælum." State of Mr. Cobden, in his pamphlet entitled “ England. Ireland, and policy was no great mystery at bottom. “Nearly all the revoluAmerica,” that English statesmen obstinately ignored the impor
tions and great changes in the modern world have had a financial tance of American affairs, while they were continually mixing
origin." We have only, then, to look sharply after the Chancellor themselves up with the paltry disputes of petty states on the
of the Exchequer, if we wish to prevent a revolutionary overturn: Continent. “ It is a singular fact,” said Mr. Cobien, " that
“ To nineteen-twentieths of the people (who never encounter a whilst so much of the time and attention of our statesmen is
higher functionary than a tax-gatherer, and who meet their devoted to the affairs of foreigners, and whilst our debates in
| rulers only in duties upon beer, soap, tobacco, &c.,) politics are Parliament, and the columns of our newspapers, are so frequently
but an affair of pounds, shillings, and pence." It is all very well engrossed with the politics of petty states, such as Portugal,
for aristocratic Army and Navy officers to talk as if a knowledge Belgium, and Bavaria, little notice is taken of the coun.
of foreign affairs were of great importance to a statesman. In try that ought, beyond all others, to engage the atten
his opinion, the less we have to do with the affairs of other tion and even to excite the apprehension of this commercial
| nations the more prosperous we shall be in our trade and comnation." There could only be one motive for such conduct
merce. on the part of Whig and Tory statesmen, in his opinion.
“ Hitherto, whenever a war has at any time been threatened
between two or more European States, however remote, or howThey were afraid lest the people of this country should ever insignificant, it has furnished a sufficient pretence for our find out that the affairs of a great nation were managed in so statesmen to augment our armaments by sea and land, in order excellent a manner as those of America, and at so very moderate to assume an imposing attitude, as it is termed ; forgetting, all a cost compared with what we spend annually for a similar pur
the while, that by maintaining a strict neutrality in these con
tinental brawls, and by diligently pursuing our peaceful industry, pose. Not that he was quite prepared to advocate the adoption
whilst our neighbours were exhausting themselves in senseless of Democracy pure and simple, at least in the meantime. All wars, we might be growing in riches, in proportion as they that he then urged upon our Government was, that we should become poorer; and, since it is by wealth, after all, that the follow the example of the Americans in the management of our
world is governed, we should, in reality, be the less in danger
from the powers on the continent, the more they indulge in hoshome and foreign affairs. Unless we did so, he would not answer
tilities with each other. for the consequences :
“ It is a common error with our statesmen to estimate the “ The example held forth to us by the Americans, of strict strength of a nation-as, for instance, is the case at this moment economy, of peaceful non-interference, of universal education, and (1835) in their appreciation of the power of Russia, Prussia, or of other public improvements, may, and indeed must, be emulated Austria-according to the magnitude of its armies and navies; by the Government, if the people are to be allowed even the whereas these are the signs, and, indeed, the causes, of real chance of surviving a competition with that republican com- | poverty and weakness in a people." munity. If it be objected that an economical Government is inconsistent with the maintenance of the monarchical and aristo
It may be said that these are the crude opinions of a young cratical institutions of this land: then we answer. let an unflinch. and ignorant speculative politician, who was only repeating, at ing economy and retrenchment be enforced-ruat cælum." second hand, a few of those half truths which are so much more
Why do we quote these passages from a pamphlet written dangerous than downright error, when addressed to men who twenty-seven years ago ? Why not allow all this juvenile effer- are only too ready to believe that the science of legislation and vescence on the part of Mr. Cobden to be forgotten by the men of Government is much more easily acquired than the art of weavthe present day? Simply because we believe that the dexterous | ing or printing calicoes. But although Mr. Cobden is now much manipulation of statistics, and the fervid eloquence of “ A Man- older than he was when he first began to give lessons to English: chester Manufacturer" produced an impression upon young Lan-statesmen in the art and mystery of Government, he is not a cashire and Yorkshire, in 1835, which, although latent just now, is whit wiser. He still believes that the aggregate wisdom of far stronger than our statesmen seem to be aware of; and because humanity" is to be found with the ill-educated, numerical we hold that, after having done so much to Americanise the pub. majority, rather than with the well-educated minority; and, lic sentiment of this country, Mr. Cobden ought not, by his care- therefore, he would still contend for the Americanisation of our *The Three Panics : An Historical Episode. By Richard Cobden, Esq.,
- institutions, as the grand panacea for all our worst social M.P. London: Ward and Co.
and political evils. He still believes also in the Benthamite