couraged. I honor much the character of this veritable plilosophe. I thank you much for your letters, of May 1, 13, and 25, with your proposed preliminaries. It is a pleasure to me to find our sentiments so concurring on points of importance: it makes discussions as unnecessary as they might, between us, be inconvenient. I am my dear sir, with great esteem and affection, your's ever, B. FRANKLIN. Extract of a Letter to B. Vaughan, Esq. Passy, July 10, 1782. "BY the original law of nations, war and extirpation was the punishment of injury. Humanizing by degrees, it admitted slavery, instead of death. A farther step was, the exchange of prisoners instead of slavery. Another, to respect more the property of private persons under conquest, and to be content with acquired dominion. Why should not the law of nations go on improving? Ages have intervened between its several steps; but as knowlege of late increases rapidly, why should not those steps be quickened? Why should it not be agreed to as the future law of nations, that in any war hereafter the following descriptions of men should be undisturbed, have the protection of both sides, and be permitted to follow their employments in surety; viz. 1, Cultivators of the earth, because they labor for the subsistence of mankind. 2, Fishermen, for the same reason. 3, Merchants and traders, in unarmed ships, who accommodate different nations by communicating and exchanging the necessaries and conveniences of life. 4, Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns. It is hardly necessary to add, that the hospitals of enemies should be unmolested; they ought to be assisted. In short, I would have nobody fought with, but those who are paid for fighting. If obliged to take corn from the farmer, friend, or enemy, I would pay him for it; the same for the fish or goods of the others. This once established, that encouragement to war which arises from a spirit of rapine, would be taken away, and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting. B. FRANKLIN. To B. Vaughan, Esq. Passy, July 11, 1782. DEAR SIR, IN mine of yesterday, which went by Mr. Young, I made no mention of yours of May 11, it not being before me. I have just found it. You speak of a "proposed dependent state of America, which you thought Mr. Oswald would begin with.” As yet I have heard nothing of it. I have all along understood (perhaps I have understood more than was intended) that the point of dependence was given up, and that we are to be treated with as a free people. I am not sure that Mr. Oswald has explicitly said so, but I know that Mr. Grenville has, and that he was to make that declaration previous to the commencement of the treaty. It is now intimated to me from several quarters, that lord Shelburne's plan is to retain the sovereignty for the king, giving us otherwise an independent parliament, and a government similar to that of late intended for Ireland. If this be really his project, our negotiation for peace will not go very far, the thing is impracticable and impossible, being inconsistent with the faith we have pledged, to say nothing of the general disposition of our people. Upon the whole I should believe, that though lord Shelburne might formerly have entertained such an idea, he had probably dropped it before he sent Mr. Oswald here: your words above cited do however throw a little doubt in my mind, and have, with the intimations of others, made me less free in commu nication with his lordship, whom I much esteem and honor, than I should otherwise have been. I wish therefore you would afford me what you can of eclaircissement. This letter going by a courier will probably get to hand, long before the one (preceding in date), which went by Mr. Young, who travels on foot. I therefore inclose the copy of it which was taken in the press. You may return it to me when the other arrives. By the return of the courier, you may oblige me, by communicating, what is fairly communicable, of the history of Mr. Fox's and lord J. Cavendish's resignation, with any other changes made or likely to be made. With sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, your's most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. To Richard Oswald, Esq. Passy, July 12, 1782. SIR, I INCLOSE a letter for lord Shelburne, to go by your courier, with some others of which I request his care. They may be put into the penny post. I have received a note informing me, that "some opposition given by his lordship to Mr. Fox's decided plan, of unequivocally acknowleging American independence, was one cause of that gentleman's resignation;" this from what you have told me, appears improbable. It is farther said, "that Mr. Grenville thinks Mr. Fox's resignation will be fatal to the present negotiation." This perhaps is as groundless as the former. Mr. Grenville's next courier will probably clear up matters. I did understand from him, that such an acknowlegment was intended previous to the commencement of the treaty; until it is made, and the treaty formally begun, propositions and discussions seem in consideration, to be untimely; nor can I enter into particulars without Mr. Jay, who is now ill with the influenza. My letter therefore to his lordship, is merely complimentary on his late appointment. I wish a continuance of your health, in that at present sickly city, being with sincere esteem, sir, your m st obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. I send you inclosed the late resolutions of the state of Maryland; by which the general disposition of people in America, may be guessed, respecting any treaty to be proposed by general Carleton if intended, which I do not believe. MY LORD, Passy, July 12, 1782. MR. OSWALD informing me that he is about to despatch a courier, I embrace the opportunity of congratulating your lordship on your appointment to the treasury. It is an extension of your power to do good, and in that view, if in no other, it must increase your happiness, which I heartily wish. Being with great and sincere respect, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, Right Honorable the Earl of Shelburne. B. FRANKLIN. Extract of a letter to the Marquis de la Fayette. "IN answer to your questions, Mr. Oswald is doing nothing, having neither powers nor instructions; and being tired of doing nothing, has despatched a courier requesting leave to return. He has I believe received no letters, since I saw you, from lord Shelburne. Mr. Grenville's return hither is I think doubtful, as he was particularly connected in friendship with Mr. Fox, but if he stays, I suppose some other will be sent, for I do not yet see sufficient reason to think they would abandon the negotiation, though from some appearances I imagine they are more intent upon dividing us, than upon making a general peace. I have heard nothing farther from Mr. Laurens, nor received any paper from him respecting lord Cornwallis. And since that general's letter, written after the battle of Camden, and ordering not only the confiscation of rebels' estates, but the hanging of prisoners, has been made public, I should not wonder if the congress were to disallow our absolution of his parole, and recall him to America. With everlasting esteem and respect, I am, dear sir, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. From David Hartley, Esq., M. P. MY DEAR FRIEND, London July 26, 1782. YOU will have heard before you receive this, that Mr. Thomas Townshend is appointed secretary of state for that department to which the American correspondence belongs. He is and has been for many years one of my most intimate friends. A more honorable, and honest man, does not exist. I have been requested, in connection with him, to undertake one branch of his office relating to America, as instrumental to some necessary arrangements in the course of a negotiation for peace with America. The point which I have been requested to undertake is, the case, or rather the diversity of cases of the American refugees. I understand that in the progress of this business, I shall be referred to a correspondence with you, as matter may arise. My purpose therefore for the present is only to advertise you of this, in case you should have any preliminary matter to give or receive elucidation upon. I am very ready to undertake any matter which may be necessary or instrumental towards peace, especially in connection with my worthy friend Mr. Townshend. You know all my principles upon American pacification, and sweet reconciliation. I shall always remain in the same. But the delegation of a single point to me, such as the case of the refugees, does not entitle me to advise upon the great outlines or principles of such pacific negotiations. I shall re |