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May I, for his sake who spared me,
When with woman's wit, or wile,
She distress thee, gently whisper,

Spare him-spare him yet awhile."
"For thy lesson, for thy omen,

Gentle monitor, I love thee;

Voices from lowly things and common,

Out-spoke from nature's heart can move thee,
Man the weeds to fling far from thee,
Our soul's garden that defile;
Forbearing, gentle, each with other,
To spare him-spare him yet awhile.

"Yes-to grace my long-loved lady,
Have I culled thy crowning blossom,
She with secret joy received it,

She concealed it in her bosom.
When with faltering words I pressed her-
Burning words of love, a smile,
Consenting blessed me, as she murmured,
Spare me-spare me yet awhile."

NEW YEAR'S NIGHT WISHES.

(FROM JEAN PAUL RICHTER.)

THE new year unfolds its portals. Destiny stands between the glowing clouds of the rising sun, and the funeral pyre of the departed year. For what wishest thou, Natalie ?

"Not for joy. Alas! nothing but its black thorns have ever remained within my heart, for the rose-leaves soon fell, and their odour was exhaled. The brightest sun but heralded the wildest tempest, and the light which seemed to glitter on my path was but the reflection of the sword which the coming day was to plunge into my bosom. No, I ask not for joy, it makes the desiring heart so empty. Sorrow alone can fill it."

Destiny is portioning out futurity. What dost thou demand, Natalie ?

"Not love. Oh, we press to our heart the thorny white rose of love till it bleeds, and the warm joy-tears which fall into its cup first become cold, and then dry up for ever! Is not love, in the morning of our life, bright and glowing as the aurora of heaven. But approach not that radiant atmosphere, it is formed out of clouds and tears. No, no; I wish not for love. Let me die of a nobler agony-let me fall beneath a loftier poison-tree than the myrtle." Thou art kneeling before destiny, Natalie. For what prayest thou? "Not for friendship. No. We all stand side by side upon hollow but unseen graves; and though our hands be twined together ever so firmly, though our hearts be knit together with the sufferings of many years, yet the slight vaulted roof will fall in. The pale one sinks down; and I stand alone in a cold, solitary life, beside a filled-up grave. No, no; but if the heart be indeed immortal when friend meets friend in the eternal world, then may the pulse throb with an undying love. Immortal eyes become dimmed with tears of joy, and the lips that can never move grow pale, murmur-Now I am thine, beloved one. Now let us love, for we can never more be parted."

Oh, thou forsaken Natalie, for what prayest thou, then, upon the earth? "For patience and the grave, for nothing more. But deny me not that, thou silent Destiny! Dry the eye, and then close it. Still the heart, and then break it! But, when the spirit wings her flight to a fairer heaven-when the new year opens in a purer world-when all again meet and love, then I will speak my wishes. Yet no, for then I shall be happy."

J. F. A. E.

SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION IN IRELAND.THE NATIONAL CLUB.

SIGNS and portents of aspect unusually alarming have been recently gathering above our menaced and misgoverned country. The system of outrage has continued to enlarge the sphere of its operations, to apply itself to a greater variety of objects, and to exercise its iron despotism with increasing barbarism and brutality; the Repeal Association has developed a more ambitious ascendancy, and given intimations of a purpose more threatening to the legitimate government of the country; and addresses have come forth from meetings of justices of the peace, in different counties and provinces, all strongly complaining of the frequency of crime, and the insecurity of life, and one, the sequel of a vain application to the constituted authorities for aid, appealing from the Irish government to the people of England, through the columns of a public journal.

This latter address is one of the most remarkable and most alarming that, in our experience, we have met with. If it remain alone, it indicates a very evil state of things; and if it be followed up, as we think, most probably, it will, by similar declarations of the inadequacy of existing law, or the prevalence of crime, there will be evidence of a social disorganization, such as, perhaps, never before, remained so long disregarded by the government of any country.

The appeal which we have described as thus alarming, is an address to the British public, which appeared in the "Times" of, we believe, the 1st or 2nd of December, and was signed by fifty-one justices of the peace, and deputy lieutenants, for the North Riding of Tipperary. These gentlemen had previously applied, as it was their privilege and duty, to the government under which they were commissioned; and failing to obtain the redress or the attention they solicited, adopted the bold, but not unwarrant. able resolution of laying their case before the public. It was, in truth, an appalling case, too shocking to be credited on less authoritative testimony. It disclosed a system of out

rage and intimidation, unscrupulous, energetic, and well-combined, which had made its presence known and felt, in the perpetration of very frequent and atrocious crimes, among which were to be enumerated, sixteen murders committed, and sixteen murders attempted, within the space of six months, and in one Riding of Tipperary.

Instead of citing any portion of the address which sets forth this fearful statement, we shall extract from the columns of the "Nation," a passage in which Mr. O'Connell pronounces his judgment on the condition to which Ireland has been reduced-a judgment to which the editor seems, by the arrangement of his types, to call attention. The speech to which we allude was delivered by Mr. O'Connell, in the "Conciliation Hall," on Monday, December 8.

"One thing I am compelled, in the melancholy discharge of my duty, to admit it is the truth, and therefore I feel obliged to state it-these murders, foul, and cruel, and abominable, and blood-stained as they present themselves, are augmenting in number. Year by year-month by month-they increase in amount. Last year exhibited a greater mass than was perpetrated the year before, and heaven alone can tell what will happen in the next. Something, however, must be done for the people. This appalling fact, too, is plainly perceptible. These murders are extending to the north of Ireland. Mr. Booth was murdered in Cavan; Captain M'Leod was assassinated in the north, and there too Mr. Barton was fired at and shot dead. In Westmeath, where an attempt to assassinate was never made before, the deadly spirit of revenge has exhibited itself. Sir Francis Hopkins was selected as the intended victim, and bravely defended himself. Two of those horrible assassinations are said to have been attributable to causes totally unconnected with the question of the tenure of land. The horrid and brutal murder of Mr. Booth was caused by his decision in a magisterial capacity, but that is no palliation; on the contrary, it is an aggravation of the crime. The murder of Captain M'Leod was committed for

a similar reason. As a magistrate he made a decision-I do not know whether it was right or wrong-in favour of a gentleman against a peasant. He then went and dined with that gentleman, and on his return home was deprived of existence by the cold-blooded hand of the murderer. Captain M'Leod's conduct offered not the slightest shadow of palliation for the assassin's crime. Nay, it rather tended to increase its enormity; but one thing is manifest-it shows that other causes beside the evic. tion of tenants lead to these sanguinary outrages against life, and that the Tipperary magistrates are right when they state that ejectment from land is no longer the sole cause of these sad occurrences."

All this is true-" Year by year— month by month," "these murders, foul and cruel, and abominable," "increase in amount." "They are extending to the north of Ireland." "In Westmeath, where an attempt to assassinate was never made before, the deadly spirit of revenge has exbibited itself." Such is the state of things to which four years of Conservative rule, or rather such is the state of things to which a four-years' regimen of "Conservative" concession has reduced our country. Is it wonderful that remonstrances shall be sent in to the government from Tipperary, and Fermanagh, and Westmeath? Is it wonderful that the Orange institution shall revive and extend its organization in Antrim and Down, Armagh and Tyrone, and Fermanagh, and Monaghan, and Cavan? When murders are, month by month, increasing in amount; when the "last year exhibited a greater mass than was perpetrated the year before;" and when Mr. O'Connell winds up his strong sentence with "Heaven alone can tell what will happen in the next"-who can wonder that the south and west of Ireland shall complain to the government under whose influence such evil has been permitted—that in every part of Ireland such a government shall be distrusted-and that the brave spirits of the north shall again have recourse to the organization which gave peace to their province in a time of danger and crime, not worse, certainly, than that for which the policy of the late government seemed to be preparing the way? No. There is nothing to be surprised at in all this-there is

but one subject of marvel,the supineness of that portion of the Irish people who have not made common cause with either Repealers or Ribbonmen, and who yet delay to adopt those measures for the defence of property and life, which the emergency so commandingly enjoins. Armed bands of lawless desparadoes patrol the country in various districts, commanding a terrified population what they are to do what they are to forbear. These disturbers (the police of some secret power) are now found ready to join battle with the officials of the government which seems to bear authority. If an honest man, contrary to order, pay a debt; if a faithful servant, contrary to order, prove faithful to his employer; or, if an employer dismiss an insolent and faithless servant; if a landlord, after years of forbearance, presume to exact and enforce a portion of his rights; if a witness, under the constraint of a disturbed conscience, dare to effer unacceptable or unpopular testimony in a court of justice; ay, or, it may be, if some honest man refuse to offer perjured testimony when it is demanded; he must prepare for a sudden and violent death, or he must desert his country-he has now no choice but between assassination and exile. We say, between assassination and exilebecause, unless to the very brave of heart, a constant lingering impression that the assassin is on the watch-a daily and hourly necessity of taking precautions against him, is, in itself, a death of protracted suffering. To go forth, in arms defensive and offensive, cased in a coat of mail, and guarded by military and police, when your purpose is to labour, or to overlook processes of labour, in your own field-to bear with you the wasting thought that objects of your love, dearer than life, may perish because you love them, and because the murderer's aim cannot reach yourself--this no more deserves the name of life, than that gradual extinction by which poisoners in past ages made so many miserable victims. In the name of multitudes wasting away in this death of protracted misery -after the warnings of the smaller number (fearfully large as their number is) of those whom the assassin has reached and barbarously murdered the quasi government of the

country has been implored to exert itself for the prevention of crime-for the suppression of a baleful conspiracy; and it has not listened to the prayer-it has afforded to the assassins of Tipperary the patronage of a system of law framed for men like those of England-it continues to give conspiracy the privileges of this mild code, devised for men whose moral principles would give it authority; and numbers there are in Ireland who abhor crime and would cast out ofsociety the disturbers of it, and who yet will not combine their energies for the common good, because some paltry interest holds them back, or they are supine and thoughtless, or because habits of estrangement in times very unlike the evil days in which they have fallen, keep them still apart, and obstruct united action.

We are not to be understood as applying these observations to the classes whom it was our purpose to interest, in our recent articles on the necessity of Protestant union. On this subject we have nothing to complain of-scarcely any thing to desire. Protestant union is becoming day by day more closely cemented and more widely extended. Since last we appeared before the public, the Protestant alliance has added in amount to its numbers, and made a considerable advance in the completion of its arrangements. Since last we wrote, various societies of Protestants have been formed, re-organised, enlarged. We have not to complain of indecision or supineness in the conservative the truly conservative-Protestants of Ireland.

Nor is there indifference in our brethren in England. Since last we wrote, the "National Club" has issued its prospectus, and has entitled itself to the support of all who love the British constitution, and security to our best interests, by an exposition of principles such as the soundest intellects of the best times of Englandintellects like those of Chatham and Burke-might be expected to adopt and approve. We are much pleased to find that it holds out an invitation to Ireland, and makes our cause imperial. We earnestly hope that the invitation will not be declined. We desire to see a body of English and Irish members of both Houses of Parliament, who will take their stand on a great constitutional principle, and

will labour to defend it with all the power derived from combination and concert, and, above all, from integrity of purpose.

It will be of extreme importance to the best interests of the empire, that this National Club be soon consolidated, and that Irishmen, and Irish members of parliament, constitute a considerable portion of its strength. In themselves, the Protestants of Ireland-we mean the conservative Protestants are not in mere numbers so strong as to be independent of other aid. The great body of the Protestant people are sound in principle, and single in purpose; but the Protestant aristocracy is divided-a third, probably, having either joined what is termed the liberal party, or, at least, being not very determined in maintaining the cause of religious principle. The Irish members of parliament who are Protestants, are SO divided, that nearly a third are attached to the party which styles itself liberal; and it is to be lamented, that party interests divide, perhaps, in a similar proportion the Protestant aristocracy of the country. On the one side would be arrayed, were parties divided according to their professions, two-thirds of the Protestant aristocracy and gentry, and, with very few exceptions, the great body of the people. On the other side, a third part of the upper classes, and a very thin sprinkling from the masses. What could the former portion do, so effectual for the interests of religion and of their country, as to identify themselves with an English party, having it at heart to maintain their cause, and uphold the principles they are bent on strenuously defending.

In the next parliament, we are taught to believe, the numerical majority of members returned for Ireland, will consist of those whose cry at the hustings was Repeal of the Union ;-and even though they may not peremptorily insist on immediate concession to their demands, their purpose will be not the less hostile to British connection. Should not those who prize that connection, and who value the interests of which it is a guarantee, (even while they are preparing for a state of things in which they may have to maintain their rights and their lives, without the aid of England,

promote an identification in feeling as in interest with their English brethren ? And how can this be more effectually accomplished, than through the instrumentality of a society which can make known the true state of this country, with a voice of authority, to the nation at large. Such a society is formed-some of the best and the most exalted of Englishmen in station and character, constitute its members, and invite the men of Ireland to take their part in the maintenance of their highest and most endearing interests. The enemies of Ireland could wish no worse, than that the invitation be declined.

What is it which has given what may be called a chronic character to the evils of which we complain, and hitherto rendered every effort for their removal abortive? Was it not a persuasion, engendered by rancorous, systematic, and unscrupulous calumniators, that they were the direct and inevitable results of oppression and misgovernment, such as no free people could be expected to endure; and that such grievances must be redressed before any remedies should be thought of? We say, advisedly, that nothing but the most deplorable ignorance of our social condition could have caused the frightful state of our country to be so little understood, or so lightly regarded by our brethren in England, as that session after session has been suffered to pass away without any attempt to grapple with a system of terrorism and of crime, which already waves its bloody banner over some of the fairest portions of Ireland. And how is this to be counteracted? Manifestly, by enlightening the English mind; and by what agency can that be more effectually done than by such a society as the National Club, comprising much of the worth, the wealth, and the rank of Englandexercising an important influence in the councils of the nation, and prepared, collectively, to use their best efforts to counteract the machinations of those who are madly or wickedly bent upon the dismemberment of the empire?

We cannot but hail it as a most auspicious omen, that just when the repeal confederacy was waxing fiercest, a body should have sprung up in England by whose countenance and

co-operation it may be most effectually resisted; and that when abandoned by the government, and apparently beyond all human aid, resources should be opened to the disheartened and almost despairing Protestants, of which, if they promptly and prudently avail themselves, protection for life and property must soon be found.

We therefore counsel all who can do so, to enroll themselves as members of the English National Club. By so doing, they will be contributing their quota not only to the funds of that institute, but to the information of their brethren in England, who only require rightly to know the evils of which we complain to aid us with all their power in our efforts to remove them.

But the National Club contemplates other objects also. They are not ashamed to recognize the sovereign authority of Almighty God in the government of nations; and they would fain uphold, in their integrity and efficiency, those institutions, whether educational or religious, which have for their office the training of the national mind, and the regulation of the national heart and conscience.

The Protestantism of the Reformation, as embodied in the national creed, and the principles of civil and religious liberty, as professed and vindicated in the glorious Revolution which placed the house of Hanover on the throne, it is the special object of the National Club to promote and to cherish. We would say, let the Irish Conservative gentry cordially identify themselves with this great body; and we venture to prophecy that no better protection could be desired, than would soon be afforded them against the crafts and assaults of their enemies.

So much for union with men of sound principle in England. There is another union which should be cemented by Irishmen between each other-an union for an object in which all good men of every class and creed can join that of obtaining for property and life something like the security which should be looked for in every civilized land. The laws, as they exist, and are administered, afford no such security in Ireland. There

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