THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER LVI. To form, of a feebly connected Federal association, extended along the shores of a vast wide continent, one people-an American Nation; to reduce to peaceful cooperation discordant States; and to establish over them a Supreme Representative Government, founded on the power and sovereignty of that United people-capable of promoting and perpetuating their happiness; to substitute order for anarchy--had been the noble aim, and great end of Hamilton's life. All previous efforts to attain such a result had failed. It was regarded as an impossibility, but it had been accomplished-accomplished by their voluntary adoption of a written Constitution, defining its own powers, limits and rights, and providing a mode for its own amendment. A new era is begun in the political institutions of the World! Almost a miracle had been worked. The palsied frame of society had been restored to health; but, it must perform its functions, before the wisdom and benevoence of the vivifying influence could be felt and seen. VOL. IV.-1 "I consider," Hamilton now observed, "the business of America's happiness, as yet to be done." As jealousy of power, the consequence of its unwise distribution and irregular exercise, had been the chief source of past calamities, it was, in his judgment, the part of true wisdom, to proceed without delay, to the organization of the Executive and Judicial Departments. Thus, the new Government would stand amid the nations, a harmonious whole, prepared, to act upon a well considered, comprehensive system; and in its domestic and foreign relations, confidence would be conciliated. Nor was this his only motive. The Constitution was full of principles. Its preamble had declared the large results, those principles, in a happy concert, were to accomplish. It was of immeasurable importance to avoid the jargon of the Confederation—to raise, at once, the standard of feeling to the height of those principles-thus, to purify and elevate the political morals, and give a new direction to the public opinion of the country. Instead of this wise, large, commanding policy, a different course was pursued ; and, even before the inauguration of the President, an attempt was made deeply to commit this nation, as to its exterior relations. Immediately after adopting rules for its proceedings, the House of Representatives formed a Committee on the state of the Union. A resolution was then introduced by Madison, for the establishment of an impost. Similar, to that of the Congress of seventeen hundred and eighty-three, it imposed specific duties on a few enumerated articles of general consumption, and an ad valorem duty of five per cent. upon others, superadding a tonnage duty, which gave a preference to American over foreign vessels, and discriminated in favor of those nations, with whom the United States, "were in treaty." It has been seen, that a discrimination in favor of those in treaty, was a favorite object with the Legislature of Virginia, when discussing an enlargement of the Commercial powers of the Confederation. It had been the favorite policy of Jefferson* and was now again urged by Madison. Solicitous, that on its entrance upon the theatre of nations, the new Government should present itself free from all prejudices; and, looking to a well matured, permanent revenue system, to be adjusted by him to solid fiscal and economical arrangements, the friends of Hamilton advised a general, though temporary plan. This substitute was proposed by Lawrence, the Representative of the City of New York, on the second day of the debate. As motives to such a course, he stated the want of materials, necessary to enable them to form a competent judgment on this subject, and the difficulty of methodizing the requisite provisions for ascertaining and collecting the Revenue. In lieu of the impost proposed by Madison, he suggested, as a temporary provision, that a general ad valorem duty should be charged on all imported articles, avoiding any specification. The leading members from Pennsylvania pressed the encouragement of manufactures, and offered a resolution,, enumerating the articles they proposed "to encourage and protect." Madison, avowing his original intention to "Our nav * Jefferson to Washington, from Paris, December 4th, 1788. igation law (if it be wise to have any) should be the reverse of that of England. Instead of confining importations to home bottoms, or those of the producing nations; I think, we should confine exportations to home bottoms, or to those of nations having Treaties with us.” He then refers to his policy at Paris, which he anticipated, would supplant British vessels, and "call so many of French and American into service." confine his views to Revenue, urged, that their duty was to protect national, as well as local interests; that the States having surrendered the power of protection, had a right to expect it from the General Government. While approving freedom of industry as a general principle, he instanced discriminating tonnage duties as exceptions, to protect the navigation, and foster manufactures. Various discriminating duties were proposed-some avowedly prohibitory. During this discussion, petitions came in from various quarters, in favor of a Revenue system, having expressly for its object, the fostering of "Domestic Industry." A proposition soon after made, for a discrimination in favor of France, brought up the great question as to the Foreign policy of the United States. Lawrence remarked, that their present situation inculcated a perfect neutrality. "Nations in Treaty," could not supply them with shipping. Hence, that of Great Britain must be employed to transport our produce. This discrimination would operate, as a bounty to foreigners-as a tax on ourselves-would be regarded as retaliatory. The chief export of the Eastern States would be incumbered with duties in Spain and Portugal, and in the commerce with Great Britain. Negotiation was preferable to a war of regulations. Madison admitted the insufficiency of our shipping, and, in concurrence with the views of Jefferson, said, "if we did not need a navy, he would open our ports to the whole world. But, if we would employ our vessels in commerce, enough should be had to form a school for seamen-to lay the foundation of a navy, and to encounter successfully the interference of foreign powers. Public expectation was in favor of it. He denounced and defied the policy of England. By associations, they could resist it. What grievous wound can Britain inflict? Restrictions on the West India trade would soon bring her to her reason. Our allies merit some advantages to place them on more equal terms." Benson, a member from New York, answered: Our Treaties stipulated no preferences. It should solely be a question of the public interest. England, said Wadsworth, gives us a better market than any other country. Our trade enjoys great advantages with her. Where is there a substitute? Shall we prohibit a competition for our carrying trade between the several maritime powers? In reply, it was alleged, that France had recently passed an edict to naturalize American vessels -that we owed her a debt of gratitude, never to be forgotten. Admitting this obligation, it was observed-this would not justify so heavy a charge on the American people, merely to promote the commerce of France! The Treaty with France had produced no corresponding advantages-the edict referred to, no benefit. The extent of the commerce with England* was the result of causes, not to be interfered with-nor to be beneficially controlled by legislation. If, it was too large, it would be contracted. Its extent proved its advantages. The credits she gave, were so much capital loaned to American enterprise. This debate exhibited all the excitement-collision of interests and conflict of prejudices, Hamilton had deprecated; and gave unpropitious indications. The discriminating clauses, in despite of the superior force of argument against them, were retained by a large majority. On the final reading of the bill, Madison, without notice, proposed a section, limiting its duration-in conformity with the policy he had espoused n eighty-three, in * In 1790-arrivals in New York, 688 American; 288 British; 14 Spanish; 8 French, and 8 Portuguese vessels-total, 1,003. |