to the situation of the respective States, he asserted, that Virginia had contributed as much as any other State, during the war; and, since the peace, had done as much to discharge her debt; and, on a final settlement, would be found a Creditor of the United States; that, without the Assumption, she would have to provide for three, while under it she would be charged with five millions.

To pay this debt, they would be called upon by an Excise; "a system, unequal with respect to different parts of the Union; unequal to various parts of the same State; giving arbitrary powers to the Collectors, and exposing the citizens to vexatious searches-opening a door to frauds and perjuries; and tending equally to vitiate the morals of the people, and to defeat the public Revenue; and, so expensive, that, in many parts, the expense would exceed the Revenue collected." He questioned, also, the force of the argument, that the Assumption would equalize the Revenue; but, laying aside all other objections, he confessed, "that he was much inclined to doubt, whether it could be carried into execution.”

These remarks gave rise to a warm contention, as to the relative claims of the several States; which led to a call for the statement of the moneys paid to, and received from them. A Report was forthwith made by the Secre

his former principles. I conclude, that his principles do not now guide him, or he has changed them. He was, once, sensible of such a divided sovereignty" (in the States) "as left the supremacy nowhere; and he would then have thought, that the powers which must be exercised by the States, in providing for their own debts, are such as belong to a Supreme Government only, and cannot, safely, be left to subordinate ones."

* Madison writes, July 2, 1791: "The excise on spirits distilled in the country, will probably take place. In fact, considering the aversion to direct taxes, and, that the imports are already loaded, I see nothing else that can be done. Besides, the duties on imported rum require a proportional one on country rum, and this a duty on other spirits."

tary of the Treasury, containing a full exhibition of the public accounts of the Revolutionary War.

In reference to the inference sought to be derived from the proceedings of the Federal Convention by Madison, Gerry, also a member of it, remarked: "It is said, the Federal Convention, having rejected the proposition for assuming the debts, the power ought not to be exercised by Congress; but, so far was the Convention from doing this, that there was no opposition to the measure! It was urged by some of the members, and I confess myself to be of the number, that, at the same time the debts were assumed, provision should be made for those States who had exerted themselves to sink their debts; and it was observed by a member, 'that, as the Constitution gave sufficient power to Congress, to assume the debts, they undoubtedly would assume them, and make the other provision mentioned.' He thought it eligible, therefore, to refer the whole matter to Congress; and his proposition met the approbation of the Convention." This statement was confirmed by Sherman, the member alluded to.

The fact, that Madison, at a future period, recommended, officially, the assumption of State debts similarly incurred, furnishes a marked comment on his present course.*

It was now resolved, that the Committee be discharged from the consideration of the Assumption, and a bill was ordered to provide for the debt of the United States. This bill, being reported on the sixth of May, was made

After stating the amount of the National debt, he observed, in a message to Congress of December, 1815: "There will probably be some addition to the public debt, upon the liquidation of various claims which are depending; and a conciliatory disposition on the part of Congress, may lead honorably and advantageously to an equitable arrangement of the militia expenses, in

the order of the day for the twelfth of that month; but its consideration was then postponed, to give time for the discussion of Resolutions founded on the Report* of a select Committee, recommending "an enhanced tonnage duty on foreign vessels."

By these Resolutions, the duty was proposed to be raised from fifty to one hundred cents per ton, on Foreign bottoms. An excited debate arose on the proposed discrimination. It was supported, as the surest mean of encouraging navigation; and, as a just retaliation for the illiberal policy under which the United States were suffering.

Near the close of the debate, Madison avowed himself friendly to the proposition; but expressed his doubts of its producing the intended effect upon Great Britain, against whom it was directed. The United States could not, at that time, compete with her shipping. He also doubted much, of the policy of laying this duty on the vessels of France. Her trade would probably prove three imes the benefit of that of any other commercial country; and she had conferred important privileges on American commerce. To the objections of the Southern States, he replied, that a maritime force in case of war was their only hope; not that he was in favor of a navy; but the eligibility of an increase of resources which might, on such emergency, be converted into a maritime force, was obvious. He intimated, that it might be good policy to interdict the vessels of all nations from carrying our produce!

curred by the several States, without the previous sanction or authority of the Government of the United States."

*This Report was on a petition praying Congress to adopt measures to prevent foreigners carrying the commodities of the United States to any port or place where their citizens were prohibited carrying them.

Ames remarked, that "he had anticipated something which would conduce much to the advantage of our allies; but it had terminated in a proposition to testify our gratitude to France. The great design in the increase of the tonnage was, to increase our own navigation; but the gentleman's plan was, to testify our gratitude to our allies, by waging a commercial war with nations not in treaty."

The proposed augmentation of duty passed. This vote was followed, by a Resolution offered by Madison, that the vessels of such nations "should not be permitted to export from the United States any unmanufactured article of its growth or produce." This prevailed by a large majority. An amendment was then added, that this resolution should not extend to the vessels of nations, which permitted the importation of fish and other salted provisions, grain, and lumber, in vessels of the United States. By this amendment, France, Spain, and Portugal, were to be exempt from its operation; and it was made to bear directly upon Great Britain.

A bill concerning the navigation and trade of the United States, containing this discrimination, was reported by Madison, on the seventeenth of May, but was rejected. He then proposed countervailing regulations, which passed in Committee; but, were not adopted. An act was then passed, "imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels," which was a substitute for the previous act; continuing the same rates of duty, but making a different application of them, in some instances. It was of indefinite duration.

CHAPTER LX.

AMID these exciting discussions, Jefferson reappeared on the American stage of politics. Paris was no longer a quiet abode. A new prospect opened before him. He will be seen to have been watching and speculating upon, condemning and approving the new Government, as the chances of its adoption fell and rose. While affecting a love of retirement, as was his wont, when contemplating a new ascent for his boundless ambition, he betrayed his aspirations. "There are minds," he wrote, "which can be pleased by honors and preferments; but I see nothing in them but envy and enmity. It is only necessary to possess them, to know how little they contribute to happiness, or rather, how hostile they are to it.... I had rather be shut up in a very modest cottage, with my books, my family, and a few old friends, dining on simple bacon, and letting the world roll on as it liked, than to occupy the most splendid post which any human power can give."* Six months rolled on; the adoption of the Constitution, and the election of Washington as President, became certain to Jefferson's mind. Washington confirmed his belief, that the General Government had been adopted by eleven States.‡

Jefferson's Works, i. 292.

+Ibid. ii. 355.

Sparks, ix. 427; August 31st, 1788.