He disapproves the proposition of Jefferson, to waive an answer. "An evasive conduct," he observed, "in similar cases, is never dignified-seldom politic. It would be likely to give satisfaction to neither party-to effect no good-to prevent no ill. By Great Britain, it would probably be considered as equivalent to a refusal-as amounting to connivance by Spain-as an indication of timidity, by all the world."—"The true alternative seems to be to refuse, or consent."

But if an attempt should be made by Great Britain, without asking leave, to force a passage, he pronounced a war as the only alternative, "or absolute and unqualified humiliation." "In every event," he says, "it would appear advisable immediately to convene the Legislature; to make a formal demand of satisfaction; to commence negotiations for alliances; and, if satisfaction should be refused, to endeavor to punish the aggressor by the

sword."

In the then situation of the United States- the infancy of the Union; its weakness, and future strength, this advice has every mark of prudent wisdom, solicitous for the preservation of its honor and its peace.

This important opinion, of which this is a very brief abstract, was transmitted to the President, with this observation: "The judgments formed in particular cases, are almost always connected with a general train of ideas, in respect to some more comprehensive principles or relations; and I have thought it advisable, to lay that train before you, for the better explanation of the grounds of the opinions I now give, or may hereafter have occasion to give, on the like subjects, in obedience to your commands."

"I feel myself,” Washington replied, “greatly obliged by the full and able consideration you have given the subject. From present appearances, however, it does not

seem as if there would be occasion for any decision on either point, which gave birth to my question."

The digest of the Revenue system; of a plan for the Loan Offices; for the conduct of the agents of the Sinking fund; of arrangements for negotiating the Foreign loans; and the preparation of this elaborate view of the policy of the United States, with respect to other nations; formed but a small part of Hamilton's occupations at this time.

It has been stated that Congress adjourned in August. Between that period and its next meeting, besides an extensive correspondence, he prepared a system of "Regulations for the payment of pensions." He submitted to the President, preparatory to the approaching session, a "Report on the Post Office," and a "Report on a National Bank," which were followed in a few days, by his "Report upon the Mint." He also, at this time, gave an important opinion as to the construction of the recent Impost act; in relation to which as being a matter of consequence to the Whale fishery, he asked a conference with Goodhue, a Senator from Massachusetts. Reluctant as he was, thus to interfere, he arrested the allowance of bounty as being in conformity with the motive of the law. "In a circumstance, in which the equity was palpable, and the law doubtful, I thought it my duty, as an executive officer of the Government, not to let the public money be parted with in a mere point of construction, till that construction should be judicially established.” These results, in such a variety of the most important subjects, which could not be accomplished without much detailed investigation, are not a little remarkable.

His "Report on the Post Office was founded on a letter to him from the Postmaster General, stating the † January 26, 1791.

* December 13.

operations of that branch of the public service, during the past year. When communicating this Report to the President, Hamilton took this occasion to state a guiding principle in the conduct of the Chief Magistrate. "From the circumstances of the case," he observed, "and a general impression, that it is always best for the Chief Magistrate to be as little implicated as possible in the specific approbation of a particular measure, proceed. ing from a particular officer; I believe it may be advisable to answer, generally, that the President sees with pleasure the improvements made in the contracts for conveying the mail. That he doubts not, a judicious discretion has been exercised in relation to the several parts of them; that (especially where circumstances vary) there does not appear to be a strict obligation to prefer the lowest offer; and that, in the case of the greater frequency of the transmission of the mail, the concentration of the business under one direction, and the experience of past good conduct, are weighty reasons for the preference of his offer meditated by the Postmaster General."

A few days after Hamilton had transmitted to the President his opinion as to the anticipated application of Lord Dorchester; he wrote him, in order to dispel all uneasiness in his mind, giving him intelligence of the probability of a reconciliation between Spain and Great Britain.

The answer of Washington has been quoted. In a subsequent letter, the President observed, "We are approaching the first Monday in December, by hasty strides. I pray you, therefore, to revolve in your mind, not only such matters (if there be any) as may be proper for me to lay before Congress in your own department; but such others of a general nature, as may happen to occur to you; that I may be prepared to open the Session

with such communications as shall appear to merit attention." Hamilton replied, giving intelligence from England, recently received, of a warlike aspect; and enclosing the copy of a decree of the National Assembly of France, having in view a treaty with Spain; directing an augmentation of her squadrons, and indicating an intention eventually to support Spain in the expected controversy. He added-" The object suggested in your letter, as preparatory to the meeting of the Legislature, shall engage my particular attention. The papers of the State, and Treasury, and of the Commissioners for settling the accounts, are on their way to Philadelphia. On the twentieth (of October) I propose, with my family, to set out for the same place."

CHAPTER LXIII.

TEN years had now elapsed, since Hamilton, at the gloomiest moment of the Revolution, with all the dangers of the country before him, addressed his celebrated letter to Duane, giving the outlines of a General Government, and indicating the means, by which the people of these United States might become, in effect, one nation.

Not more than ten years had gone by, since, dismayed by the successes of the enemy, a proposition was offered in the Congress of the Confederation-to conclude a treaty with Great Britain, which would have dismembered this empire; and have surrendered at discretion the States of South Carolina and Georgia.

At the close of that cycle, how different the scene! Peace conquered-Independence acknowledged. A domestic insurrection suppressed. The wild licentiousness of a jarring and unequal league at an end-and the extraordinary spectacle exhibited, full of hope to the world, of a deliberately formed Free Government-founded upon the sacrifice of mutual jealousies, and the concession of mutual interests-sanctioned by the deliberate voice of a people of various origin, widely dispersed, and having little in common with each other but the same language, and the recollection of their common sufferings and common efforts.

It is among the interesting incidents of this period, that,