reveal" what we imagined was well known to have given it birth; viz. scandal tales as noto rious as noon-day, and as omnipresent as the air we breathe. My Lord, great efforts-patriotic efforts were made to save the disclosure of the details of a mass of evidence which nothing but dire necessity should bring before the public eye. Those efforts failed-that dire necessity followed.

When you allege that " much distrust will attach to the witnesses" (for the prosecution: I suppose you mean), you do it on the accompa nying assumption that they are all Italian. Pray, my Lord, what are the witnesses for the defence? Can you inform me? And on what authority do you exclude the probability that other than Italian witnesses will be called for the prosecution?

How any "political affection which the House of Lords may entertain" can induce them to venture an outrage on public sense and feeling, by a false verdict on mere matters of fact; to say a circumstance took place without evidence to prove it, or to deny its having occurred, in the face of evidence to the contrary, I know

not. On the speculative advantages of any proposed enactment, interest may influence opinion, in fact a legislator may be a theorist; but an individual exercising the functions of a juryman or judge, has merely to do with facts that have or are alleged to have-occurred, and with application of already defined law to the definite case.

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And now, my Lord, I come to that hideous falsehood for which you have to answer to an insulted Country, a libelled Peerage, and a donounced Cabinet, with its Sovereign at its head. You discover" a feeling as universal as the air, that the Queen is to be oppressed—not tried," and assent to its correctness in conceiving no man unable to applaud its generosity." If such be your solemn opinion, my Lord,—if you imagine a single individual in England can, by the interference of the Government, be denied fair trial and oppressed, you are a coward or a bad man not to be in arms at the gates of a tyranny which, in denying fair trial to one, denies it to all. The ignorance, therefore, which may excuse the penning of such an inflammatory period, converts apathy under the circumstances it describes into crime: if such igno

rance be assumed, villain is too tame an epithet for the profligate it masks.

If you, my Lord, "cannot forget that an example is about to be given for the degradation of a Queen," we cannot forget that an example is already before our eyes of a self-degraded Queen, who is constitutionally amenable to justice, for the conduct by which she has deemed it expedient to prove her title to the Crown valid and good. Look at her Philippics of accusation and revolutionary doctrine, and enjoy the sorry consolation, that in promoting the same cause as her Majesty, you have employed somewhat less violent means. Does Queen Caroline, as you dare pretend, in the face of her appeals to the populace and soldiery-does she, I say, "behave with propriety in this country?" O yes, she has proved herself just the person" to whom his Majesty's Ministers should have offered a larger income than that already at her command, to return home when they first heard the sinister reports from Italy." The Grecian Horse, according to such miserable drivelling, was just the thing for the Trojans to admit into their capital.

Parliament, my Lord, in despite of your prophecies, will never, can never "uncrown a royal head without necessity"-plain and palpable necessity. Neither will it adopt the counsels of Lord John Russell, when they tend to pamper the spirit of treason, and embolden sedition to stalk abroad without disguise, terrifying justice from the performance of its solemn and indispensable duties.

And now, my Lord, give me leave to hope you are heartily ashamed of your weak, unconstitutional, illogical piece of self-contradicting, poetical prose: that, closetted over Murray, De Lolme, Burke, Blair, and Blackstone, you will confine your scribbling exertions to marginal notes; and that, entertaining salutary regard for public scorn as well as public property, you will never again do ought to merit the former, or endanger the security of the latter; in fine, that you will become such a Bedford as we have long needed and long lost.-Believe

Your Lordship's sincere well-wisher

and honest adviser,
JULIUS.

LETTER VIII.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING POST.

SIR,

August 12, 1820.

HER Majesty has more than once demanded the right of being presumed innocent till she be found guilty; and more than twenty times prejudged her accusers guilty before they have been, or could be, proved not innocent. The answers which she has ventured to return to the addresses which have been presented to her, are not only libels on the English character and Constitution, but positive breaches of the privileges of Parliament. Imitating the language of the basest libellers, she brands her accusers as "a foul conspiracy which has nearly reached its climax of iniquity;" "a tyranny which, oppressing her to-day, makes every man's liberty less secure to-morrow;" which, attempting" to divorce, dethrone, and debase the highest subject in the realm by an act of arbitrary power in the shape of a Bill of Pains and Penalties, should it succeed, will shake to its