WE

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HILE Imperial Federation is a scheme which has as yet few earnest advocates-earnest in the sense in which Wilberforce and other great social reformers devoted the aims and energies of a lifetime, to the furtherance of the questions which they severally advocated-the many reject it as being altogether outside the pale of practical politics, the impossible dream of enthusiasts. Be this as it may, it is impossible to ignore the many difficulties which attend its consummation, the idea is a grand one-one calculated to appeal to the nobler impulses of the Anglo-Saxon race, whose energy and tenacity of purpose have brought to a successful issue many a project which appeared equally difficult of realization. It were strange if the genius of a race that has ever led the van in all that pertains to humanity, civilization, science, and enlightenment, that has been preeminently successful in planting and maintaining colonies in every corner of the globe, should fail in uniting to itself, in one grand consolidation, its several offshoots, and if, when once the necessity

for action presses sufficiently home, men will not be found, in the mother country and the colonies, of sufficient grasp of mind and earnestness of purpose to conduct to a satisfactory conclusion a conception involving such infinite possibilities. It may be observed how strong in all ages have been race instincts towards aggregation, and no time should be lost in directing AngloSaxon sentiment into this channel, and in educating public opinion for the effort. The primary object of those who have the success of the movement at heart should be to endeavour to counteract the effects of the vicious policy years ago inaugurated by the Manchester School, suggestive of the idea then more or less openly expressed, and now probably secretly entertained, that the sooner the colcnies accepted and acted upon their destiny-separation from the mother country-the better. It behoves England to declare, in no uncertain tones, how highly she prizes her connection with her colonies, and that any movement having for its object the disintegration of the Empire will meet with

her strongest opposition. It is equally incumbent upon her, with the vast resources at her command, to approach this important question in no niggard spirit, and in working out the details of the scheme, to evince a generous and liberal-handed policy towards the several component parts of the structure of which she will form the crowning stone. The expression 'Empire' conveys widely diverse impressions to the British people. On those who, characterized by a narrow utilitarianism, submit all questions to a rigid pounds, shillings, and pence test; who profess to see nothing worthy of commendation in their own country; who delight to institute comparisons between their own and foreign lands, to the disparagement of the former; who are known as the Manchester School, and are championed by wordy agitators; the expression seems to exert a peculiarly irritating effect. Many fear that among that school of political thought, which draws its inspiration from Lord Beaconsfield, popularly known as the 'Jingo Party,' the idea of Empire has awakened a vaulting ambition for conquest. But however ready the nation has of late years been to endorse the policy of Lord Beaconsfield's Government, in restoring the country to its old position of prestige and influence in the Councils of Europe, from which the masterly inactivity and timid policy of the Liberals had allowed her to lapse, there are not a few who are now forming the opinion, that the foreign policy of the country is becoming a trifle too accelerated; that, before any further foreign obligations or responsibilities shall be undertaken, a pause is necessary for the settlement of many internal questions of vast and pressing moment, and among them Imperial Federation is of prime importance. The following extract from the Broad Arrow of the 24th January, 1880, aptly expresses the meaning which the word 'Empire' conveys to the sound common sense and patriotism of the nation.

"There is no British Empire, except

on paper. If our rulers could but see the necessity of making an empire out of the disorganized masses of protoplasm which lie about in colonies of various kinds, in islands, and races, and governments, what a thrill of power would run through us all! Confronted by mighty monarchies armed to the teeth, would it not be wiser to concentrate our resources to perfect the union between all parts of our territories, and to make it impossible for an enemy to assail or ravage any

of our colonies, than to tremble for our security before border potentates, and to spend our strength in petty enterprises. The only Imperial party we have in the country at present mistakes obesity for growth; growth it certainly is, but not the growth of health, of perfect life, and of progressive development. It is the commonest accretion, not evolution. But what do we mean by a real enpire? A complete and perfect organization of its whole strength, so that it can be brought to bear upon an assailant, an enemy, an invader. Territorially, we are an empire. Have we an Imperial army composed of as many free units as constitute the empire itself? Have we thought out, begun, or laid down, any plan to provide for common action in a struggle involving our very existence? Have we ar ranged for an Imperial navy composed of tributary squadrons? Have we perfected a system of self-defending arsenals and coaling stations? Are there no assailable and practically undefended parts of the empire sure to be despoiled, if ever we should be engaged in any serious or prolonged European contest? If we lessen our powers of offensive and defensive warfare, whilst we extend our territories, multiply our obligations, and increase our large debt, we are so much the weaker, not so much the stronger. Let the powers we have be well organised, and let each addition be well accommodated to what already exists, and we shall

be mighty, irresistible, the mistress and arbiter of the world. There will thus be no reason to fear Russia or Germany, or France, or the United States, or any combination of them.

The British Empire is a loosely connected mass, which may, at any moment, unless things are altered, fly asunder with an explosive force that would carry ruin and devastation to our hopes, our commerce, and our greatness. We want a statesman of the semi-military type, not a dilletante Anglo-Indian, with theories hung around his neck like the beads of a devotee. The empire wants organizing rather than extending, it wants rest from external troubles while the work is done. Some persons may say it needs a great calamity to prove the necessity to us all. Would it not be better to avoid courting the calamity out of "pure cussedness," as our Yankee friends express it, and take a leaf out of Prince Bismarck's book! There is force, and patriotism, and money enough to effect all we desire. The main thing is to generate the will power, and to discover the man. At present, both seem wanting. It is time we aroused ourselves, and resolved upon having a real empire with an Imperial army, and an Imperial navy, and a perfect system of defence for every part of Her Majesty's domin

ions.'

To the region of politics belongs the discussion of the details of this plan, yet it may be of interest briefly to touch upon some of the problems, pressing for solution in England, which point to the present time as ripe for the agitation of this important question. Next to Belgium, England in proportion to her area, is the most thickly populated country in the world; her population per square mile is nearly double that of India and Japan, and more than three and a half times that of the Chinese Empire. In the face of her rapid decline, from the position of being the workshop of the world,' once enjoyed, how to furnish her im

เ

mense population with the means of livelihood and at the same time satisfy the ever-increasing craving of the masses for landed property, is persistently making itself felt. To those toiling on without much hope in life, the subject under discussion should possess an absorbing interest, as pointing to a means of escape from their present hopeless condition, and to a chance of acquiring a home of their own, not among foreigners and aliens, but in lands blessed with institutions excelling even those under which they have been born and reared. To the manufacturing and mercantile classes, and to capitalists, reciprocal trade between the several parts of the empire, and the confidence inspired by the settlement of the vexed question of the destiny of the colonies, would open new and much needed avenues for trade and manufactures, and extensive fields for the employment of a plethora of idle capital; while to the privileged class of the aristocracy and land holders, who know not from day to day whence to expect an onslaught upon their cherished and time-honoured institutions, a scheme tending to divert the attention of the masses from the contemplation of the huge disparity between their lot and that of their more fortunate superiors will commend itself. The maintenance of their institutions, the safety of their order, lands, and family possessions, urge upon them to view it with favour.

It has been calculated that through the tide of emigration to the United States, England has, during the past fifty years, presented the former country with $100,000,000, a state of things which certainly should not be allowed to continue, but undoubtedly will, till the present anomalous relations between the mother country and the colonies, shall be terminated. the most superficial observer, it should be patent, that failing a confederation of the empire, a separation of the chief colonies must soon follow; then England, deprived of the many advantages

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