either invoked unconstitutionally, or its exercise unjustifiably denounced are probably fresh in the recollections of our readers. It is out of the question to enter upon them in detail; but it may be well to advert to one or two of them, recommending the reader, at the same time, to Mr. Todd's luminous and exhaustive survey of the entire subject. In 1849, Lord Elgin who may be said to have definitively established responsible government on its existing basis, was called upon to reserve or veto a measure introduced by his sworn advisers, although they possessed the confidence of the House, and also of the country. In the Legislative Council the Rebellion Losses Bill passed on a vote of 20 to 14; while in the popular branch of the Legislature, Mr. Lafontaine's chief resolution was carried on a vote of 48 to 23, or over two-thirds. This was a case of the unconstitutional invocation of prerogative. In 1858, the Hon. George Brown undertook to form a ministry with a hostile Assembly. It appears to us that Sir Edmund Head had no right to make it a condition precedent to his acceptance of Mr. Brown, for Premier, that he would not solicit a dissolution. The hon. gentleman's answer to that 'feeler,' if it may be so termed, was at once dignified and constitutional. The Governor, no doubt, thought to prevent a difficulty which he foresaw must arise; still he was in the wrong, until his new advisers were sworn in. So soon as that was done he acted strictly within his rights in refusing the dissolution, and, as the event proved, he soon found advisers who not only consented to be responsible for his act, but also possessed the confidence of Parliament.

The Pacific Scandal imbroglio needs only to be mentioned, because to discuss it in full would far transcend the the space at command. It appears, now that the passions of the hour have cooled into a reasonable state of calmness, that Lord Dufferin dealt with the matter, which was admittedly a

difficult one, with singular tact and judgment. It must be admitted that the Ministers who advised a prorogation were, at the moment, arraigned at the bar of public opinion; still they were not only unconvicted, but had not as yet been put upon trial. The failure of the Oaths Bill had placed His Excellency in a delicate position; yet, on a calm and dispassionate survey of the case, he could have little hesitation as to the constitutional course to be adopted. Ministers unquestionably retained the confidence of a parliamentary majority, and he was bound to accept their advice, or force them to resign. On the latter alternative,

a dissolution must have been conceded to the minority; the charges against Ministers, instead of being impartially sifted, with judicial skill and equanimity, would have been brawlingly adjudicated upon from the stump; and the result could hardly have been looked at with satisfaction after the elections. As the event proved, no injury was done to the Opposition; only indecorous thirst for a party triumph received a rebuke, and the Oppositition had, in the end, the satisfaction of securing office in a constitutional way.

The celebrated Letellier case remains to be noticed, because it touches the very heart of the matter before us. The Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec dismissed Mr. De Boucherville and his colleagues from office for causes assigned. The chief of these was that they had initiated measures, and even issued proclamations in his name, either without the form of consultation with him, or any sanction from him, but, as in the case of the Railway Bill, in defiance of his protest. Mr. Todd proves, with almost superfluous fulness, that he had a right to dismiss his cabinet. Indeed, of that there can be no reasonable doubt at all. Ministers, who either ignore the Crown or a Governor are, without question, liable to that penalty; à fortiori the Quebec Cabinet was so liable, seeing that they had

not only treated Mr. Letellier with disrespect, but had also acted in his name in prosecuting a policy to which he was strenuously opposed. The plain duty before them was either to convince the Lieutenant-Governor that they were in the right or to resign their offices, so that he might find other advisers willing to face responsibility before the country. Instead of doing either, the sworn Ministers of the Crown, chose deliberately to persist in their course, with ascool determination as if no such officer existed under the Confederation Act as a Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec. Mr. Letellier had no resource left but the exercise of his constitutional prerogative of dismissal. He had recourse to it, and Mr. Joly succeeded in forming a Ministry which appealed to the electors with temporary success. It seems necessary here to note that whether the new advisers, in fact, receive the support of the people or not, is beside the present question. In the latter case the Lieutenant-Governor must accept such advisers as can command the confidence of the new House; but that has nothing whatever to do with the constitutionality of his initial act. George III., on two occasions, dismissed the Cabinet, and his new counsellors were sustained by the people; William IV., on the other hand, 'dished the Whigs,' only to find his Tory Ministers rejected at the polls.

Mr. Todd's account of this latest precedent in Canadian politics should be attentively read by all intelligent Canadians. It proves, beyond question, that constitutional precedent is superior to any fancied theory of our governmental system evolved from the inner consciousness. Responsible government is a priceless boon to the Colonies, but its practical value depends almost entirely upon a proper understanding of the theory involved in it, and the even balance of executive and legislative powers it contemplates. In the Quebec case, certainly,

we have merely a Lieutenant-Governor in question-an officer appointed, and liable to recall, by the GovernorGeneral, as the latter himself is, on the fiat of the Colonial Secretary. Still, mutatis mutardis, the same principles, determine the functions of a Lieutenant-Governor as of the GovernorGeneral or the Sovereign herself. The dismissal of M. Letellier, again, as Mr. Todd takes peculiar pains to demonstrate, was irregular and without warrant on any principle, constitutional or statutory. The British North America Act declares that a Lieutenant-Governor may be dismissed for cause assigned by the Governor-General, and the facts of the case are at once to be communicated to Parliament. In the instance before us, the provisions of the law were precisely reversed. The LieutenantGovernor was not dismissed first, and Parliament enlightened afterwards. On the contrary, a partizan majority in the House addressed the GovernorGeneral, and, in consequence of that address, M. Letellier was cashiered. So that, in fact, the Commons, on an ex parte case, and under the influence of a strong party animus, really dismissed the Governor-General's representative, set over the local concerns of Quebec. The blow struck at the Provincial autonomy secured at Confederation will yet lead to disastrous results. The cause assigned' was the most ludicrous part of the matter. It was not because of the dismissal of his Ministers, since that would have been treacherous ground; but because the Lieutenant-Governor's 'usefulness was gone,' in the opinion of gentlemen who certainly did not believe that it had ever arrived. That may easily come to an end which never had a beginning.

Special importance has been laid upon this breach of constitutional law, because it is here that fallacious, and by no means innocuous, errors anse; but at the same time, the reader will, of course, understand that Mr. Todd's

comprehensive work covers many more topics deserving of attention. The five chapters may show this, by a mere statement of their titles. Chap. I. which is introductory, treats of the Sovereign, in relation to Parliamentary Government in England. In Chap. II. there is the application of Parliamentary Government to Colonial Institutions. Chap. III. contains a very complete Historical account of the introduction of Parliamentary Government into the Colonies of Great Britain.' The fourth chapter, which is the heart of the book, is subdivided into three parts, treating in succession of Imperial Dominion over the Colonies; of Dominion exercised over subordinate provinces by a Central Colonial Government; and of local self-govern. ment generally. The concluding chapter reviews the 'Position and Functions of a Colonial Governor.' The entire work deserves the closest and most attentive study by all who desire to comprehend fully and intelligently the complex machinery of our free institutions. It seems unfortunate that no provision is made in our higher semi

naries of learning for instruction in constitutional law. Men receive, from our Universities the necessary equipment for every sphere in mature life; except that which covers their duties as citizens. It is strange that the thirst for culture which has been manifested of late years by all classes and both sexes, has not extended itself to the domain of political science. It seems to be a prevailing delusion that the science of government comes by nature, and that special attention to it is superfluous. Even a superficial glance at the violent party controversies concerning the fundamental maxims of our constitution -or at least about their applicationserves to show that, as a matter of experience, it is far otherwise. The Provincial University College might take the initial step in establishing a chair of Constitutional History and Law; and if the Government cannot afford to aid in the work, there are surely men of wealth in our midst, who would willingly assist in diffusing sound views of our free and liberal system of polity among the future legislators and statesmen of Ontario.

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N event such as this, in the history of Art in Canada, cannot fail to interest, not only the lover of pictures, but all who have a stake in the growing institutions and general progress of our country. The element of practical usefulness-the combination of utile and dulce-which distinguishes the present from previous exhibitions, is undoubtedly its most striking feature, for whose successful introduction we are indebted, mainly, if not altogether, it is understood, to the noble and royal patrons whose names are identified with the movement. A few words on the subject may not be uninteresting to those living at a distance from the Capital, and,

perhaps to some who, themselves visitors to the Exhibition, may like comparing their own impressions with those of others. The intention was at first, we believe, that this Exhibition should be composed wholly of the works of native artists; or, to be more precise, of artists living in Canada. Why this rule was departed from we do not know, but that wisdom was justified by the result is evident the Loan Collection adding greatly to the strength of the Exhibition, both in quantity and quality. Those, however, for whom it was originally designed, were fairly and liberally represented; nor do they seem to have suffered too much by comparison with

the works of foreign artists, while the advantage to the general public of seeing various styles of art is equally evident. It is pleasing to observe that the public of Ottawa-a hitherto rather benighted public in such matters-has seemed to appreciate fully the opportunity given of increasing their knowledge and improving their taste-an opportunity which will not occur again in five years (Montreal, Halifax, and the other leading cities, in the meantime, getting their benefit), at the end of which period, we venture to predict an advance in art, especially industrial art, and an intelligent interest in art which cannot be otherwise than most gratifying to those who have given it this initiatory impulse. To a result such as this there must, of course, be some adequate means these will be supplied, in great measure by the Schools of Art and Design in the Province, one of which, under the especial patronage of Her Royal Highness the Princess Louise, is about to be established in Ottawa. The method of teaching in these schools, it may interest the unlearned to know, deals more with elementary principles in drawing than has hitherto been the practice in Canada; and the effect of such well-directed, systematic training is seen in the work of some of the pupils of the Toronto School of Art, prominent in the Design Department.

Let us, reversing the order of the catalogue, glance over the contents of these rooms first. They are full of beautiful designs for all sorts of things; it is difficult to particularize; but the wall papers are, perhaps, of the most general interest. One, quaintly humorous in its conception, represents a bird of the stork species, holding up in one claw a worm which he appears to be meditatively regarding for a moment before converting into a succulent repast. Need it be told that this paper is intended for a bed-room; and that the moral is pointed-if it requires pointing-by the legend inscribed beeath, Ye early bird catches ye worm.' The details of tint aud form in this clever design are all that could be wished -graceful and harmonious throughout. Here is another: maple leaves of the natural colour on a background of darker green; and a little judicious outlining with gold adds greatly to the effect, and the graceful winged seed is introduced with advantage. This-No. 298 in the catalogue, Wm. Doughtie-has de

servedly obtained the prize, on the ground, we believe, of its treatment of a native plant form, as well as on its general merits. It must have been hard to choose between it and two others by Revell, Nos. 287 and 294, which equal it in grace and simplicity, though not perhaps so bold or striking. The first of these presents our native hepatica, whose flower and leaf lend themselves so readily to conventionalizing, or rather require none, so regular and symmetrical are their forms; accompanied by the pretty little vine, name unknown to the writer, familiar to all lovers of our woods, whose long tendrils, set at short intervals with starry circles of oblate leaves, is a most fitting subject for such artistic uses as this. The leading tints, of two shades of chocolate-brown, are at once in the taste of the day, and in taste in a higher sense their quietude corresponding with the unobtrusive character of the plants selected. No. 294 is another picture in itself the eye dwells with pleasure on the handsome balsam cones and accessories, and returning, dwells again. Can there be a more desirable recommendation to a wall paper? so often the only picture with which the walls are blest. The same form-the cone-reap. pears in a design for a book cover, by J. T. Willing, No. 283, only on a smaller scale -that of the larch. This and two others by the same hand, in which the Trillium, the beaver, and other purely Canadian subjects appear, are all admirably treated. These also have carried off a prize. More might be said on this topic; but the designs for stained glass allure us from it. Here, as in the last category, it is hard to choose. Mr. McCausland's collection has the prize; justly so, no doubt. figures Spring' and Autumn' have both much freedom of line and action for so small a space; so, too, have 'Hengist' and Horsa,' which are full of life and fire. The writer, indeed, remembers nothing in this department that was not beautiful,-but will mention only two more; one a design

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for what purpose it is not specifiedNo. 303, George W. Kellond-' introducing Canadian plants, leaves and flowers.' This combined, and most pleasingly, a variety of forms. The other, No. 302, is the work of a young gentleman of Ottawa, Mr. C. B. Powell, and it is a design for a card receiver. A dragon-fly, harnessed to a waterlily with coiled stem and sleeping buds is driven