our winters, our plenty is consumed, and the one half of our necessary labor is spent in dispersing to our flocks and herds the ingatherings of the foregoing season; and it is known to every person of common observation that few, very few, except in the mercantile way, from one generation to another, acquire more than a necessary subsistence, and sufficient to discharge the expenses of government and the support of the gospel, yet content and disposed to lead peaceable lives. From misinformations only, we would conclude, recent disquiets have arisen. They need not be mentioned they are too well known; their voice is gone out through all the earth, and their sound to the end of the world. The enemies of Great Britain hold us in derision while her cities and colonies are thus perplexed.1 America now pleads her right to her possessions, which she cannot resign while she apprehends she has truth and justice on her side.

Americans esteem it their greatest infelicity that, through necessity, they are thus led to plead with their parent state, the land of their forefathers' nativity, whose interest has always been dear to them," and whose wealth they have increased by their removal more than their own. They have assisted in fighting her battles, and greatly enlarged her empire, and, God helping, will yet extend it through the boundless desert, until it reach from sea to sea. They glory in the British constitution, and are abhorrent, to a man, of the most distant thought of withdrawing their allegiance from their gracious sovereign

a Their losses and private expenses, in watches, guards, and garrisons for their defence, and from continual alarms, in all their former wars, have greatly exceeded the public charges.

1 "The enemies of Great Britain" scorned the complaints of the colonies against the arbitrary measures of the ministry as unavailing, and laughed at their supposed helplessness against wrong. - ED.

and becoming an independent state. And though, with unwearied toil, the colonists can now subsist upon the labors of their own hands, which they must be driven to when deprived of the means of purchase, yet they are fully sensible of the mutual benefits of an equitable commerce with the parent country, and cheerfully submit to regulations of trade productive of the common interest. These their claims the Americans consider not as novel, or wantonly made, but founded in nature, in compact, in their right as men and British subjects; the same which their forefathers, the first occupants, made and asserted as the terms of their removal, with their effects, into this wilderness," and with which the glory and interest of their king and all his dominions are connected. May these alarming disputes be brought to a just and speedy issue, and peace and harmony be restored!

But while, in imitation of our pious forefathers, we are aiming at the security of our liberties, we should all be concerned to express by our conduct their piety and vir tue, and in a day of darkness and general distress carefully avoid everything offensive to God or injurious to

It belongs not only to rulers, but subjects also, to set the Lord always before their face, and act in his fear. While under government we claim a right to be treated as men, we must act in character by yielding that subjection which becometh us as men. Let every attempt to secure our liberties be conducted with a manly fortitude, but with that respectful decency which reason approves,

■ It is apprehended a greater sacrifice of private interest to the public good, both of Great Britain and the colonies, hath at no time been made than that of the patriotic merchants of this and all the considerable colonies, by their nonimportation agreement. And whatever the effects may be, their names will be remembered with gratitude to the latest generations, by all true friends to Britain and her colonies.

and which alone gives weight to the most salutary measures. Let nothing divert us from the paths of truth and peace, which are the ways of God, and then we may be sure that he will be with us, as he was with our fathers, and never leave nor forsake us.

Our fathers where are they? They looked for another and better country, that is, an heavenly. They were but as sojourners here, and have long since resigned these their transitory abodes, and are securely seated in mansions of glory. They hear not the voice of the oppressor. We also are all strangers on earth, and must soon, without distinction, lie down in the dust, and rise not till these. heavens and earth are no more. May we all realize the appearance of the Son of God to judge the world in righteousness, and improve the various talents committed to our trust, that we may then lift up our heads with joy, and, through grace, receive an inheritance which cannot be taken away, even life everlasting! AMEN.

A

DISCOURSE

PREACHED

December 15th, 1774,

BEING THE DAY RECOMMENDED

By the Provincial Congress;

And Afterwards at the BOSTON LECTURE.

BY

WILLIAM GORDON

PASTOR OF THE THIRD CHURCH IN ROXBURY

"And the King confulted with the old men that stood before "his father, while he yet lived, and faid, how do ye advife, "that I may anfwer this people? And they spake unto him, "faying, if thou wilt be a fervant unto this people this day, "and wilt ferve them, and answer them, and speak good "words to them, then they will be thy fervants for ever." 1 Kings. 12. 6, 7.

"I ardently with that the common enemies to both countries "may fee to their disappointment, that thefe difputes be"tween the Mother country, and the colonies have termina"ted like the quarrels of lovers, and increased the affection "which they ought to bear to each other."

Governor Gage's Letter to the Hon. Peyton Randolph, Efq;

BOSTON:

THE SECOND EDITION.

Printed for, and Sold by THOMAS LEVERETT, in Corn-Hill. 1775

NOTE.

The Boston Thursday Lecture, at which Mr. Gordon repeated this sermon, was founded by the Rev. John Cotton, in 1633, and yet retains a lingering existence, as an opportunity for ministerial gatherings. It was the occasion for presenting, and sometimes discussing, questions of general, social, or political interest; and a collection of the Thursday lectures, or sermons, for the first hundred and fifty years, would be a faithful epitome of the current and progress of public opinion during that period. It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that much of the early colonial legislation was merely declaratory of what had fallen from oracular lips in the Thursday pulpit. So general was the interest in the occasion, that it was established by authority as the "market day." The institution illustrates the politico-theological history of New England as stated in the Introduction to this volume. "The Shade of the Past" is the title of Rev. N. L. Frothingham's sermon on "The close of the Second Century since the establishment of the Thursday Lecture." Rev. R. C. Waterston preached, December 14, 1843, "A Discourse in the First Church on the Occasion of Resuming the Thursday Lecture."— ED.