The charging cheer,

Though Death's pale horse lead on the chase, Shall still be dear.

And place our trophies were men kneel
To Heaven!-But Heaven rebukes my zeal :
The cause of truth and human weal,
O God above!

Transfer it from the sword's appeal
Το peace and love!

Peace, Love-the cherubim that join
Their spread wings o'er Devotion's shrine-
Prayers sound in vain, and temples shine,
When they are not;

The heart alone can make divine

Religion's spot.

To incantations dost thou trust,
And pompous rites in domes august?
See mouldering stones and metal's rust
Belie the vaunt,

That men can bless one pile of dust
With chime or chant.

The ticking wood-worm mocks thee, man! Thy temples-creeds themselves grow wan! But there's a dome of nobler span,

A temple given

Thy faith, that bigots dare not ban—
Its space is heaven!

Its roof star-pictured, Nature's ceiling,
Where trancing the rapt spirit's feeling,
And God himself to man revealing,

The harmonious spheres
Make music, though unheard their pealing
By mortal ears.

Fair Stars! are not your beings pure?
Can sin, can death your worlds obscure?
Else why so swell the thoughts at your
Aspect above?

Ye must be heavens that make us sure
Of heavenly love!

And in your harmony sublime

I read the doom of distant time;
That man's regenerate soul from crime
Shall yet be drawn,

And reason on his mortal clime

Immortal dawn.

What's hallowed ground? 'Tis what gives birth
To sacred thoughts in souls of worth!

Peace! Independence! Truth! go forth

And your

Earth's compass round;
high-priesthood shall make earth.
All hallowed ground!

SPEECH OF THE REV. MR WEST;

Delivered in the Massachusetts Convention 1788, on the adoption of the Federal Constitution.

I RISE to express my astonishment at the arguments of some gentlemen against this section! They have only started possible objections-I wish the gentlemen would show us, that what they so much deprecate is probable. Is it probable that we shall choose men to ruin us? Are we to object to all governments; and because power may be abused, shall we be reduced to anarchy and a state of nature? What hinders our state legislature from abusing their power? They may violate the Constitution-they may levy taxes. oppressive and intolerable, to the amount of all our property. An argument which proves too much, it is said, proves nothing. Some say, Congress may remove the place of elections to the State of South-Carolina: this is inconsistent with the words of the Constitution, which says, 'that the elections shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof,' &c. and that representation shall be apportioned according to numbers; it will frustrate the end of the Constitution— and is a reflection on the gentlemen who formed it. Can we, sir, suppose them so wicked, so vile, as to recommend an article so dangerous? Surely gentlemen who argue these possibilities, show they have a very weak cause.

That we may all be free from passions, prepossessions and party spirit, I sincerely hope, otherwise reason will have no effect. I hope there are none here but who are open

to conviction, as it is the sure method to gain the suffrage
of our consciences. The Hon. Gentleman from Scituate
has told us, that the people of England, at the restoration,
on account of the inconveniencies of the confused state of the
Commonwealth, run mad with loyalty. If the gentleman
means to apply this to us, we ought to adopt this Constitu-
tion- for if the people are running mad after an ener-
getic government, it is best to stop now, as, by his rule,
they may run further, and get a worse one; therefore the
gentleman's arguments turn against himself.
Is it pos-
sible that imperfect man can make a perfect Constitution?
Is it possible that a frame of government can be devised by
such weak and frail creatures, but what must savour of that
weakness? Though there are some things that I do not
like in this Constitution, yet I think it necessary that it
should be adopted.

ST

20

MR PRESIDENT,-A great variety of supposed objections have been made, against vesting Congress with some of the powers defined in the eighth section: and as some of the objections have not been noticed, I shall beg the indulgence of the Convention, while I very briefly consider them. And as it is my intention to avoid all repetition, my observations will necessarily be unconnected andde sultor y.

It has been said, that the grant in this section, includes all the possessions of the people, and divests them of every thing; that such a grant is impolitic, for as the poverty of an individual guards him against luxury and extravagance, so poverty in a ruler is a fence against tyranny and oppression. Sir, gentlemen do not distinguish between the government of an hereditary aristrocracy, where the interest of

THE ACADEMICAL SPEAKER.

115

with each other, for the common defence and general welfare. To talk, therefore, of keeping the Congress poor, if it means any thing, must mean depriving the people themselves of their own resources. But if gentlemen will still insist, that these powers are a grant from the people, and consequently improper, let it then be observed, that it is now too late to impede the grant-it is already completed -the Congress under the confederation are invested with it by solemn compact-they have powers to demand what monies and forces they judge necessary for the common defence and general welfare-powers as extensive as those proposed in this Constitution.

But it may be said, as the ways and means are reserved to the several States, they have a check upon Congress by refusing a compliance with the requisitions. Sir, is this the boasted check-a check that can never be exercised but by perfidy and a breach of public faith-by a violation of the most solemn stipulations? It is this check that has embarrassed at home, and made us contemptible abroad— and will any honest man plume himself upon a check, which an honest man would blush to exercise?

It has been objected, that the Constitution provides no religious test by oath, and we may have in power unprincipled men, atheists and pagans. No man can wish more ardently than I do, that all our public offices may be filled by men who fear God and hate wickedness; but it must remain with the electors to give the government this security-an oath will not do it. Will an unprincipled man be entangled by an oath? Will an atheist or a pagan dread the vengeance of the Christian's God, a being, in his opinion, the creature of fancy and credulity? It is a solecism in expression. No man is so illiberal, as to wish for the confining of places of honor or profit, to any one sect of Christians.

Sir, the only evidence we can have of the sincerity and excellency of a man's religion, is a good life-and I trust that such evidence will be required of every candidate by every elector. That man who acts an honest part to his neighbour, will most probably conduct honorably towards the public.

SOME of the gentlemen in the opposition have quoted ancient history, and applied it to the question now under debate. They have shown us the danger which arises from vesting magistrates with too much power. I wish they had gone on to tell the whole truth. They might have shown how nearly licentiousness and tyranny are allied—that they who will not be governed by reason must submit to forcethat demagogues, in all free governments, have at first held out an idea of extreme liberty, and have seized on the rights of the people, under the mask of patriotism. They might have shown us a republic, in which wisdom, virtue and order, were qualities for which a man was liable to banishment-and on the other hand, boasting, sedition and falsehood, the sure road to honor and promotion.

I am sorry that it hath been hinted by some gentlemen in this House, as if there were a combination of the rich, the learned, and those of liberal professions, to establish and support an arbitrary form of government.-Far be it from me to retort so uncharitable and unchristian a suggestion. I doubt not, the gentlemen, who are of different sentiments from myself, are actuated by the purest motives. Some of them I have the pleasure to be particularly acquainted with, and can safely pronounce them to be men of virtue and honor.-They have, no doubt, a laudable concern for the liberties of their country; but I would beg them to remember, that extreme jealousy and suspicion may be as fatal to freedom as security and negligence.

With respect to myself, I am conscious of no motive which guides me in this great and solemn question, but what I could justify to my own heart, both on the bed of death, and before the tribunal of Omnipotence. I am a poor man-I have the feelings of a poor man.-If there are honors and emoluments in this proposed Constitution, I