want their food and its preparation are simple-potatoes or oaten cakes, sour milk, and sometimes salted fish. In drink they are not so temperate; of all spirituous liquors they are immoderately fond, but most of whiskey, the distilled extract of fermented corn. In many districts, by an ingenious and simple process, they prepare this liquor themselves, but clandestinely, and to the great injury of national morals and revenue. Were they allowed, by private distillation, to indulge their taste for inebriety, their own vice would more effectually subdue them than centuries of war. Their dress is mean and squalid; particularly of the females, whom you would not always distinguish from men by their attire. Of personal cleanliness they have little care. Both sexes wear, in winter and summer, long woollen coats, or cloaks, like the sagum of their ancestors. The children are generally half, and sometimes altogether naked; living, without distinction of sexes, in dirt and mire, almost with the cattle. Yet from this nakedness and filth, they grow up to that strength and stature for which they are admirable.

"The peasantry of Ireland are generally of the Roman Catholic religion, but utterly and disgracefully ignorant; few among them can read, fewer write. The Irish language, a barbarous jargon, is generally, and in some districts exclusively, spoken: and with it are retained customs and superstitions as barbarous. Popish legends and pagan tradition are confounded, and revered: for certain holy wells and sacred places, they have extraordinary respect; thither crowd, the sick for cure, and the sinful for expiation; and priests, deluded or deluding, enjoin those pilgrimages as penance, or applaud them when voluntary, as piety. The religion of such a people is not to be confounded with one of the same name professed by the enlightened nations of Europe. The University of Paris has some tenets in common with the Irish Papist; but does it now believe that a spring can restore the cripple, enlighten the blind, or purify the guilty?

"In agricultural pursuits they are neither active nor expert: hereditary indolence would incline them to employ their lands in pasturage; and it is always more easy to induce them to take arms, than to cultivate the earth, and wait upon the seasons. Even at this day, the sons of the old inheritors are suspected of being more ready to regain their possessions by their blood, than by their labour. Their very amusements are polemical; fighting is a pastime, which they seldom assemble without enjoying; not, indeed, with iron weapons, but with light clubs, which they always carry, and frequently and skilfully use. When not driven by necessity to labour, they willingly consume whole days in sloth, or as willingly employ them in riot; strange diversity of nature, to love indolence and hate quiet-to be reduced to slavery, but not yet to obedience." [pp. 30-37.]

Such are the people for whom the British Parliament is called upon to legislate-whom one of the ablest and most

illustrious of their countrymen is in this hour of peril appointed to govern. They are now in many parts in a state of insurrection, carrying on a predatory warfare on an extended scale, not against the government, but against the petty oppressors of their neighbourhood, or those whom they believe such, and their abettors; including herein incidentally the magistracy, clergy, and yeomanry of the district. Such lawless proceedings must unquestionably be put down without delay, by the strong arm of the law; though even here justice must, and we doubt not will, be tempered with mercy. But who can think that this will be enough to allay the disorders of Ireland? He who does, might well expect to lay a heap of flax upon a smouldering fire, in the vain expectation of extinguishing the flame, which, after a while, will burst out with redoubled fury. So will it be with Ireland: after scores of its deluded population have been gibbeted, transported, shot, if no means be taken, upon a broad and liberal scale, to educate its peasantry, who then, and not till then, may be converted into civilized beings, from the perpetrators of deeds of cruelty and savage vengeance, which, in these enlightened days, we should expect only in a wild Indian horde. It may be said, that the English government has already done much towards the attainment of this object; and if by 'much' we are to understand expended much money, and wasted much time, to little purpose, we admit the fact, and refer to the melancholy history of the Irish Charter Schools as evidence but too abundantly in point. Upon the particulars we have neither room nor inclination to enter; but those who wish to satisfy themselves on the subject, may easily do it, by referring to the works of John Howard the philanthropist, and to the report of a more recent inspection of their condition, published a few years since by Mr. Steven, the benevolent author of the second of the pamphlets now under our review. The system of education promoted hitherto in Ireland by the legislature has been lavishly expensive-opening a wide door to the cupidity and peculations of jobbers, a race of which the country were well ridden-and above all, it has been sectarian; we use not this latter term offensively, nor is it ours alone, as will be evident from the following passage in the state of Ireland, the author of which is no sectarian, in the sense in which that word is more generally, than liberally or correctly, employed.

"Domestic economy, agricultural improvement, the love and knowledge of the laws, the detection and expulsion of superstition,

the growth and influence of true piety who can expect them among a people utterly dark and blind? Of four millions-the probable population-one million perhaps can write and read; of this million, three-fourths are Protestants and Protestant Dissenters: there remains a solid mass of dangerous and obstinate ignorance: not all, but chiefly Catholic. The laws of God they take on trust, of the land on guess, and despise or insult both. The Government publishes proclamations, the rebel chiefs manifestoes-the rebel soldier reads neither: his spiritual or secular leader he follows into implicit treason; incapable of discussing motives or being enlightened by results; and thus the folly and defeat of one insurrection do not deter from another. In all our perils it is an important truth-the real danger is in those who cannot read, the true security in those who can. Superior knowledge is one cause and branch of the Protestant ascendancy, from which the Catholics must emancipate themselves. The remedy of the evil must be sought in its causes; a narrow and sectarian plan of public education, the mistaken policy of the popish priesthood, the absence or indolence of the established clergy-sources of more and greater evils than Ireland thinks, or England would believe. To the Government I should say " Educate your people:" I care not by what system, if it be capacious; nor at what cost, if it be productive." [pp. 40, 41.]

These are statesman-like views; and though we have long entertained, and still strenuously support them, we hesitate not, on that account, to say that they are the only ones which can be adopted with any rational prospect of

success.

One step was, perhaps, taken in the advancement of this plan, when Parliamentary protection and assistance was granted to the Dublin Society for the Education of the Poor in Ireland; and though at the commencement of its operations large sums were imprudently wasted in expensive buildings, and as much spent in a model school-room, useless as a model, as would have educated two thousand children annually; we rejoice to find, from the candid admission of Mr. Steven, the active agent of a rival institution, if between them there can be any rivalry, but that of doing good; that this error has been, in a great measure, corrected, and that the institution is rapidly increasing in usefulness, and in the regular adoption of a prudent and liberal distribution of the large Parliamentary grants entrusted to its management, for the benefit of the whole community, without distinction of sect or party. Let then such an institution be encouraged, but let not its encouragement operate to the exclusion of others from a protection and

assistance to which they have at least an equal claim. There are many benevolent individuals, and we find that Mr. Steven is of their number, who object to all Parliamentary grants for promoting the work of education, which they would leave to the spontaneous exertions of private charity. We, however, are of a different opinion; and when we find, that after the Dublin society had been four years in operation, its annual income from subscriptions amounted not to seventy pounds; when we learn also, from one of the works before us, that notwithstanding every exertion in its favour which ingenuity and zeal could make, the Hibernian society has been compelled prematurely to throw some of its schools, in a great measure, upon their own resources, to liquidate a large debt to its treasurer; whilst want of funds prevents the establishment of others in hundreds of districts, which need, and would welcome them; we cannot but be satisfied that, with respect to Ireland at least, the time for leaving her to her own resources, or for casting her ignorant population on the voluntary benovolence even of the British public, has not yet arrived.

With three millions to educate, she stands in need of the assistance of the public purse; and that assistance should liberally be accorded to her. The great difficulty is, in guarding against a profuse expenditure; the superseding of all private exertions, on which the success of education must mainly depend; and the conducting of that work in the spirit of party and proselytism,-more dangerous to Ireland than her present condition. To meet these objections, we would suggest, as the outline of a national provision for the education of her illiterate population, that aid should be granted to the various institutions now established, or which may hereafter be commenced for the instruction of the poor, in proportion to the number of children whom they teach, but without regard to the peculiar religious tenets which they inculcate. This aid should be on a liberal scale, suited to the greatness of the empire by which it is granted, and to the necessities of the people who require it; yet should it not be sufficient to effectuate the work alone, but proportionate to the private exertions made for its accomplishment. Care also should be taken, by due inspection, that the grants are properly applied; though this would, in a great measure, appear from the increase of schools and of scholars.

Those who are acquainted with the peculiar situation of Ireland cannot, however, conceal from themselves the

obstacles presented to the progress of education there, in a preponderating Catholic population. That charity which hopeth all things, would induce an expectation that, if the priesthood of this church were satisfied, by assurances from Government, that the education of the ignorant of their community should be conducted under their own superintendence, they would gladly accept of the proffered boon. The very offer of it would, however, we are aware, alarm the prejudices of a great portion of our Protestant countrymen, who would infinitely rather that the people of Ireland were not educated at all, than that they were educated in the principles of the Romish Church. Their orthodoxy we do not envy; and readily as we concede to them the praise of being actuated by proper, and even by pious motives, we cannot very highly laud their penetration. If the Roman Catholic prelacy consent to the education of the illiterate members of their communion;-and we think they soon must do so, even upon the principles of self-defence;-care must be taken that they do educate them—we have no right to inquire out of what books, or in what tenets, so that they can read correctly, in any into which they may hereafter choose to look. We have thus given them the power of reading the Bible; the will we cannot give, nor, in their education, the opportunity, without violating those principles of leaving every one to the indulgence of his own sentiments in matters of religion; of maintaining whatever tenets, following whatever mode of worship, he pleases; upon which all education productive of national advantage to Ireland must proceed. If we cannot do what we would, we must be satisfied with doing what we can and whilst we admit that the holding up the traditions of men as of equal authority with the oracles of God, is an absurd and dangerous doctrine; whilst we are as fully satisfied as any one can be, that denying to the laity the perusal of the Scriptures, without the permission of a priest, is worse; we are yet decidedly of opinion, that the general education of the Catholic population of Ireland, even in these principles, is the only practicable way which human ingenuity can devise to get them out of them. If they are taught to read the Douay translation of the Scriptures, they are qualified to read the Protestant version of them; and this, in a country where all forms of religion are tolerated by law, is all that we can have a right to give, by any legislative or coercive means. Even should they not be permitted at school to read the Bible at all, the enabling