liament - they have added new injuries to the old; we have wearied our King with supplications he has not deigned to answer us; we have appealed to the native honor and justice of the British nation—their efforts in our favor have hitherto been ineffectual. What then remains to be done? That we commit our injuries to the even-handed justice of that Being, who doeth no wrong, earnestly beseeching Him to illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavors of those to whom America hath confided her hopes; that through their wise directions, we may again, see re-united the blessings of liberty, prosperity and harmony with Great Britain.'

It may be considered fortunate that Virginia took the precedence of the other Colonies, perhaps even of Congress, in replying to this deceptive overture; and no less fortunate that the business of preparing the answer devolved on Mr Jefferson. A less decisive and unequivocal stand at the outset, would have admitted the entering wedge, and perhaps ended in utter disorganization. It is not among the least of the merits of this performance, that the 'Union' is kept uppermost throughout, and the word Congress' sounded in the ears of his lordship at every step, sternly intimating that that is the door at which he must knock with all his messages of negociation. Better evidence, however, of the high character of this production could not be given, than the fact that, on Mr Jefferson's repairing to Philadelphia and conveying the first notice of it to Congress, that enlightened body were so impressed with the ground taken, that they very soon adopted it, after a slight revision by the author, as the concurrent voice of the nation. This circumstance accounts for the similarity of feature in the two instruments. Viewed in a political light the present essay, like his 'Rights of British America,' proves the author's mind to have been indoctrinated in the great principles of the Revolution, long before he wrote the Declaration of Independence. Its effect upon Lord Dunmore may be inferred from his answer, a few days after its presentation to his Excellency. It was suffi

ciently laconic. 'Gentlemen of the House of Burgesses -It is with real concern I can discover nothing in your address, that I think manifests the smallest inclination to, or will be productive of, a reconciliation with the mother country.'

This was the last regal Assembly that ever met in Virginia. They adjourned on the 24th of June, "75, and the Governor could never afterwards collect a quorum. In a paroxysm of terror he had some days before abandoned the palace, and fled for refuge on board one of the British ships of war, declaring he would never return, unless they accepted the conciliatory proposition of the Prime Minister. Although his Excellency returned, the people would never afterwards receive him or reverence his authority.

As this was the last, so was it the most important Assembly that was held under the royal government. By its decisions, a long stride was taken in the advancement of the general cause. The example was electric upon the other provinces, and was felt with awe in the great American Council. The constant gratitude,' says Girardin, of the American people, will, through every succeeding generation, be due to this assembly of enlightened patriots. Had they, upon this occasion, have accepted of any partial terms of accommodation, favorable to themselves alone, and in exclusion of the rights of the other colonies, or had they been less firm in repelling the aggressions of the Governor, or less able in defending their own liberties, the cause of American Independence might probably have terminated very differently from what it actually did.'

The fall of the regal power in Virginia commenced the literal verification of that blasting prophecy of Wilkes in the House of Commons, the February before. But the 'loss of the first province of the empire' was not followed, as he hoped, 'with the loss of the heads of the Ministers.' In the course of one of the most vehement and

overwhelming onsets against the administration, and one of the most ardent and powerful discourses upon human liberty, every tittle of which was a prophecy, that intrepid defender of the rights of man uttered the following sentences. In the great scale of empire, you will decline, I fear from the decision of this day; and the Americans will rise to independence, to power, to all the greatness of the most renowned States; for they build on the solid basis of general public liberty.' 'If you persist in your resolution, all hope of reconciliation is extinct. The Americans will triumph-the whole continent of North America will be dismembered from Great Britain, and the wide arch of the raised empire fall. But I hope the just vengeance of the people will overtake the authors of these pernicious counsels, and the loss of the first province of the empire, be speedily followed by the loss of the heads of those Ministers who first invented them.'

CHAPTER IV.

On the 21st of June, 1775, Mr Jefferson took his seat in the grand council of arbiters, to whom America had committed the direction of her destinies. In the origination of this Council, he had exercised a leading agency; and through the whole process of its establishment, had persevered with ardor.

He was now ushered upon a theatre, broad enough to meet his own standard of thought and desire of action. His patriotism had comprehended the whole territory of British America, and would stop at nothing short. The Union had had its birth place in his mind. It had been first breathed from his lips. He had pointed to it in all his propositions; and hurled it in defiance at the British Premier. The consolidation of the moral and physical energies of the continent, was the first object of his ambition; and that object was now in a fair course of accomplishment.

Congress had been in session about six weeks when Mr Jefferson arrived; yet an opportunity had been reserved, in anticipation, for impressing the tone of his sentiments upon the most important state-paper that had yet been meditated.

On the 24th of June, the committee which had been appointed to prepare a Declaration of the causes of taking up arms, brought in their report. The report, being disapproved by the majority, was recommitted, and Mr Jefferson and Mr Dickinson were added to the committee. This document was designed as a manifesto to

the world, justifying a resistance to the parent government, and required a skilful preparation. The committee requested Mr Jefferson to execute the draught. He excused himself; but on their pressing him with urgency, he consented. He brought it from his study, and laid it before the committee. As anticipated by the writer, it was too strong for Mr Dickinson, who still retained the hope of reconciliation with the mother country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive statements. He was so honest a man,' says Jefferson, and so able a one, that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples.' They therefore requested him to take the paper, and remould it according to his own views. He did so preparing an entire new statement, and retaining of the former draught only the last four paragraphs and half of the preceding one. The committee approved and reported it. In Congress, it encountered the shrugs and grimaces of the revolutionary party in every quarter of the House; and the desire of unanimity, ever predominant, was the only motive which silenced their repugnance to its lukewarmness. A humorous circumstance attending its adoption is related by Mr Jefferson. It shows the great disparity of opinion which prevailed in that body, and the mutual sacrifices which were constantly required to preserve an unbroken column.

Congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence to Mr Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the King, according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment. The disgust against its humility was general; and Mr Dickinson's delight at its passage was the only circumstance which reconciled them to it. The vote being passed, although farther observation on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, "There is but one word, Mr President, in the paper