private revelation, making its disclosures from the inmost recesses of the mind and character of the man, that its most distinguishing excellence consists. We have here the ungarbled contents of the cabinet of the author, gradually accumulating through an era among the most momentous in the annals of the world, and in which he was himself a principal actor, and incessantly placed in the most trying situations which it afforded. This vast collection of letters, compiled from the unrevised manuscripts of the writer, thrown off on the spur of the occasion in the freedom of unrestrained confidence, and spreading over a period of fifty years, have opened the folding-doors to the character of Mr Jefferson, and introduced us into the sanctuary of his most secret meditations. They derive essential importance from the fact that at the time they were written, the author had no conception of their ever being made public.

It would undoubtedly be a happy circumstance for this country, and for the mass of mankind, besides serving to enhance the reputation of the author, if these works could obtain a circulation which should place them in the hands of every reader; for if any thing could give stability to those principles, which form alike the basis of his renown, and the elements of the splendid structure of free government which he was instrumental in establishing, it would be such an extensive dissemination of his writings. Unfortunately, however, the form in which they have appeared, is not the most advantageous to the accomplishment of this desirable purpose. The publication is too voluminous, and consequently too expensive, to admit of a general circula

tion; nor is the mode of arrangement the best adapted to its reception into ordinary use as a work of reference. These considerations have suggested the plan of the present undertaking, which aspires to no higher claims than that of an analytic, and, it is hoped, a well assorted generalization of the original publication. It has been the leading object of the compilation, to condense the most valuable substance of the four, within the compass of one volume, and to supply what are presumed to be essential wants of the former, by interweaving a connected narrative of the Author's Life. The more important political papers of Mr Jefferson, contained in the original works, have been copied into this, or their substance faithfully stated; and many others of importance, that have been procured from other sources, are likewise introduced.

The selections from his private correspondence are dispersed through the volume with reference to the topic under consideration, more than to the order of time; and in making the quotations from this department, it has been the object to bring the greatest quantity of useful matter within the smallest space. Parts of letters, therefore, are usually introduced-rarely the whole of any one-but sufficient to give the full sense of the writer on any required point, avoiding all extraneous observations. The historical and biographical portions of the work have also been derived, in great part, from this pregnant source. In some cases the very language of the author has been adopted, without invariably noting it with the usual mark of credit. In all such cases, however, the style or the sentiment will be sufficiently

distinguishable to place it where it belongs. Some parts of the narrative may appear overwrought with eulogyIt is indeed a difficult matter to commemorate the deeds of so distinguished a benefactor of the human race, without yielding in some degree to the influence of a passion which they are so justly calculated to inspire; and the writer does not scruple to admit, that he has less endeavored to restrain his own grateful feelings, than to infuse them into the minds of his readers.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

BY A FRIEND TO THE EDITOR.

It was the good fortune of Washington to finish his unexampled career of usefulness, with universal approbation. No such fate has attended any of his contemporaries, or successors. Mr Jefferson had many and powerful opponents to contend against, during the whole of his political career. Some of these were no doubt influenced by personal jealousies, and many by an honest difference of opinion.

Where these differences involved matters of local or of temporary importance, it could answer no useful purpose to bring them forward for renewed discussion at this late day; and in the volume before us every thing calculated to revive party animosities has been studiously avoided, without however suppressing any thing that was necessary for historical accuracy, or to elucidate deliberate opinions, and develop essential traits of cha

To such readers as have not been favored with the perusal of the valuable edition of Mr Jefferson's writings already alluded to, this unpretending volume may prove a safe guide to the true character and sentiments of that distinguished man.

The difference between Mr Jefferson and his honest opponents was this. The republicanism of Thomas Jefferson was too thorough, too radical, to be adopted even by a considerable portion of the best men of the Revolution. A disinterested sacrifice of personal safety to the welfare of the country was the same on the part of all, but Mr Jefferson had greater confidence in the wisdom and discretion of the people, than was entertained by a majority of his patriotic and devoted fellowlaborers. Upon the organization of the government under the federal constitution, this difference in opinion soon became apparent in the councils of the nation and Mr Jefferson stood forth the champion of Democracy. The more aristocratic party were inclined to restrain the people, under the apprehension that they were unqualified to govern themselves. This party was designated by the name of Federalists, and soon embodied a very large proportion of the wealth and intelligence of the nation. Deriving our literature, our laws, and our most respected usages from a nation where arbitrary institutions prevailed, it was quite natural that our intelligent citizens should desire an approximation to that form of government, and suppose it indispensable to tie up the hands of the people, in order to save them from working their own destruction.

There can be no reason to doubt that here was an