the dangers from Ireland, and the mutiny of the army? All may be loft, whilft you are confidering."

"Sir Richard Temple.] We here reprefent all the nation. Place the government in fome perfon, and then provide for the reit."

"Sir Chriftopher Mufgrave.] In juftification of your vote yesterday, to declare your grievances, you are to declare wherein King James the second has broken the laws, and whom you have put by the government. You must have wheels before you can put the cart upon them. In the first place, put the question, That you will proceed in afferting the rights and liberties of the nation; and that you will appoint a committee to bring in general heads of fuch things as are abfolutely neceffary for fecuring the laws and liberties of the nation."

In confequence of this debate a committee was appointed, who drew up that grand palladium of the British constitution, the Bill of Rights, in which the Reader will find that many very material provifions are omitted, which were propofed and infifted upon in the course of the foregoing arguments. It is no wonder, however, that all fecurities in favour of public liberty, prove imperfect and incompleat, when we confider how many abject tools are forward to court the favour of the Crown, by checking every effort to establish a due degree of political inde pendence.

The government being fettled according to the hafty plan. dictated by the preffing exigence of affairs, the Commons foon began to grow jealous of the Court, and to perceive, that something was ftill wanting for the improvement of the constitution. The influence of the Courtiers in Parliament, seems to have been one of their principal grievances, as we may learn from the following debate.

"Sir John Thompson.] I could wish we had a felf denying ordinance, That no perfons fhould fit here, that have places or offices of profit.'-I'am juftified by good authority; for before Henry VIIith's time, no perfon that belonged to the Court was permitted to fit within thefe walls. It is wonderful to confider, that when the Commons were poorer than now, they should remove great men, and Favourites, from the Crown. The reafen then was, there was no dependency upon the Court; they brought more of the country, and lefs of the court, with them in after times. I peak my mind truly, and have no reserves; but I believe we fhall not carry this, becaufe there were never more dependencies on the Court than now,"

"Sir Chriftopher Mufgrave.] I moved the queftion, and I will tell you the meaning of it; That no Member shall be a Receiver of money granted by the excife or taxes.' I think it more proper that they fhould not be Receivers, than give away the privilege of the Houfe."

"Mr. Palmes.] We ought all to ftand here on an equal foot; if we make difcrimination of who fhall have privilege, and who not, I am against that. I would, at present, wave both these queftions, and not lofe the fruit of this debate: but if you will lay your hands upon offices of great profit in this Houfe, and if you will make diftribution of it to the public use, I am for it.'

"Admiral Ruffel.] I move, That the moiety of all profits of offices above 500l. per annum, fhould go to the use of the war."

"Sir Robert Rich.] Ruffel fpoke to me of this motion long ago, before I had a place; but now I rejoice, that I have an opportunity to fhew my respect to the government, and fhew myself willing to work hard to ease the people."

"Sir John Lowther.] I am as ready as any body for this motion; I will only fay, if I found my fervice acceptable, I would ferve for nothing. I am for the queftion entirely; but there must be exceptions; as of the Judges: they lose by their practice in being made Judges; and the Commiffioners of the Great Seal."

"Sir Chriftopher Mufgrave.] What is faid by Lowther is worthy obfervation; they do lose by their employments, and I would have them exempted."

"Mr. Howe.] I am forry that we, who have no offices, have not power to vindicate ourselves: but fome things are to be confidered in the queftion. There is great difference in employments. A man has greater lofs in the country by attending them, and fome are obliged to keep tables."

"Mr. Dutton Colt.] If offices of 500l. per annum shall not be rated, I fhall have no fhare in it; but if keeping no tables, I am willing to pay my share."

"Colonel Granville.] I move, That all falaries exceeding 5c0l. per annum, fhall pay one half to the government, during the French war."

"Sir Stephen Fox.] The neceffities of the government are fo great, that they make the valianteft man tremble at the confequence of delay."

"Sir

"Sir Robert Rich.] The plainest way is to begin at home. The Gentlemen of the Admiralty have 1oool. per annum paid them; my plain intention is, that they fhould have 500l. per annum ; but to cut off two parts of three, is the way to work them to nothing."

"Refolved, nem. con.] That the falaries, fees, and perquifites of all Officers under the Crown, (excepting the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Judges, the Lords Commiffioners of the Great Seal, [foreign Minifters] and commiffion Officers, ferving in the fleet and army) exceeding 500l. per annum, shall be applied to the ufe of the war."

Such unanimity, upon a point fo highly injurious to the intereft of many Members, fhews, that there was yet fome degree of public virtue in that affembly. If it was thought expedient that all Officers of the crown (except thofe above specified) fhould contribute their moiety to the ufe of the crown, how efpecially juft and neceffary is it, that they fhould be made contributory who hold civil employments, which, in time of war, yield a princely revenue, and are little more than fine cures? There certainly cannot be a greater defect in any government, than to fuffer a fet of indolent luxurious drones, who do not expose their perfons for the public defence, to grew great by the public calamity.

The influence of the Courtiers, however, was not the only circumstance which excited jealoufy in thefe days. The King, being a foreigner, was thought partial to his countrymen, at which his fubjects took great offence. In fome instances, perhaps, they were rather churlish to their Sovereign, by obliging him to difmifs even his body guards. Their apprehenfions, however, with regard to foreigners, will beft appear from the debate which follows.

"Sir Peter Colleton.] There are many brave men in the nation, and fome fit in your Houfe, qualified for General Officers, and there is no need of foreign General Officers. The foreigners would have raifed the fiege of Athlone; the foreign Generals were against ftorming; but an English General was for it, and it was taken for ought I know, had it not been done, Ireland had been ftill to reduce. Englishmen naturally love their country, and will not willingly deftroy their country. Foreigners cannot have that affection for England. When King James fet up to overthrow Parliaments and property, the English Officers gave up their commands. We know not how foon we may fight for our all on English ground.-I think we are much fafer in English hands than in foreigners. None are ignorant of the

melancholy

melancholy ftory of Steenkirk; every one knows that tragedy. The common foldiers had no opinion of their Officers. I move, That none but natives fhould command Englishmen.”

"Mr. Wharton.] The thing is juft, to encourage Englishmen; and as long as there is a neceffity of a war, I would continue it on our own foundation. We want not foreign Offcers; we have natives fit for employment.-Nothing but an English army can preferve our English liberties and properties. Encourage them to be entirely English, from the foldiers to the Officers."

"Lord Falkland.] I have as much efteem for English Offcers as any body; but the King, who is a witness of their actions and merits, is the best judge; I would have that come only from the King. You know not what Officers the King defigns. When you come to the state of the war, it will be proper to speak to this then."

"Sir Edward Seymour.] I wonder, that, on fuch a fubject as this, and fo little debating upon it, Gentlemen call for the queftion fo fuddenly.

"In relation to foreign Officers, that fell not out by chance; it was neceffity, and not chance. Men are not born Generals. A man may be a good Officer, and not a good General. We have not of our own men fit for that employment; the King knows men, and I hope you will not offer the King men unfit. Men that get into employment, think it an injury if they are not Captains prefently. Men that have not gone through all employments, can never be fit for the army, or navy, and return with all difadvantage. What number have you fit for General Officers? They are few; and will you think to discharge and fend away foreigners, till you have Generals of your own? I am not for foreigners, for foreigners fake. If we have not General Officers of our own fit for this employment, I hope you will not put the foreign Officers out.".

On this debate, which was drawn to a tedious length, the question was put, That the King be advifed, that no General Officers, for the future, fhall command Englishmen, but fuch as are natives of his dominions.' But it does not appear what was determined in refpect to this question.

It is obfervable, however, that the Courtiers on this, as upon every other occafion, were extremely obfequious: and there is as little found reafon, as public fpirit, in their arguments. That men are not born Generals,' is true. Nevertheless, it does not fellow, that, previous to their promotion to that rank, they

fhould

fhould go through all employments;' or that they fhould even ferve an apprenticeship in the camp. We can happily produce fome recent examples of men who have done honour to the staff, without being mechanically trained through the several military gradations. Wolfe and Clive, were indebted more to genius than experience; and, notwithstanding our late advantages under a foreign General, we hope that, for the future, none but natives of thefe dominions will ever command Englishmen.

Every one knows that the difcontents of party in this reign ran very high; and that the King alternately placed his conndence in the Whigs and Tories, with equal ill fuccefs. The mifconduct of the administration gave birth to a motion for coming to this refolution, "That the great affairs of the government, for the time paft, have been unfuccefsfully managed; and that the King be moved, for the future, to employ men of known integrity and fidelity." This produced the following pirited arguiments.

"Sir William Strickland.] I cannot tell where it is we are wounded. I would not have the management in fuch hands for the future; but this cannot be while we have a cabinet council."

"Mr. Waller ]

6

Cabinet council,' is not a word to be found in our law books. We knew it not before; we took it for a nick-name. Nothing can fall out more unhappily than to have a distinction made of the cabinet' and 'privy council.' It has had this effect in the country, and muft have; that, in the country, the Juftices of the Peace, and Deputy Lieutenants, will be afraid to act: they will fay, they cannot go on;' and why? Because feveral of them have been mifreprefented, and are not willing to act; they know not who will stand by them; and are loth to make difcoveries, unlefs feconded. If fome of the privy council must be trusted, and fome not, to whom muft any Gentleman apply? Muft he afk, who is a cabinet Counfellor? This creates miftruft in the people. I am fure, these distinctions of fome being more trusted than others, have given great diffatisfaction. This is what I have met with this summer; and therefore I fecond the motion."

"Sir Richard Temple.] All Governments reduce their council to a few; Holland does; and the French King to three."

"Mr. Waller.] We have reduced our Secretaries from two to one: the question propofed was, That the King be advised, that all matters of ftate be advised of in the privy council; and that the management of them by a cabal is dangerous."