"This was a still more extraordinary case than any thing I had yet met with. When the boy called on me by appointment next day, he freely told me that he could not help himself. When any thing caught his fancy he could not rest until he had obtained possession of it, and that he felt an unaccountable pleasure in concealing what he had purloined; but said he, the other midshipmen and officers often do the same sort of tricks, yet somehow not so secretly, and they have no pleasure in concealing what they take any longer than until they have made the owners almost angry; but the more I ob serve them growing angry at me, I am the more induced to hide what I have stolen. Both the sentiment and manner of this decla ration was affectingly simple. I might almost say it would not be easy to conceive that any thing could be uttered with more innocency. In what, thought I, does the vice of the boy consist? Can that indeed be called a crime which does not offend the conscience? And yet if such a dereliction of respect for the property of others be not criminal, what is vice? The boy observing my abstraction left me, and was sent the same day on board a vessel on the point of sailing to England. "It would be useless to describe to you the perplexity in which the knowledge of this new peculiarity of organic effect involved me. I call it organic, for there was nothing in the lad's habits to which it could be ascribed as a natural consequence, and therefore I inferred that it was a propensity arising from some accidental distortion of his moral faculties, which might possibly be discovered by a careful examination of the organization of his frame. Thus you see I was led to take nearly the same view of the connections between the moral powers and the physical formation, which Dr. Gall has since done, and attempted, in consequence, to establish a new science. But there is this difference in our respective systems, that while he affects to demonstrate every mental quality by the structure of the head, I only venture to think that in estimating, the intellectual character by external peculiarities, the structure of the whole person ought to be considered. I became the more convinced of this by afterwards carefully inspecting the great works of art. It appeared to me that the sculptors of antiquity, and the painters of Leo the Tenth's time, had an intuitive perception of the truth of what I call my science, and that there is often as much character to be seen in the form of the limbs and body as in that of the head-nay more, that every just representation of an intellectual movement is as uniformly expressed, by all the other active muscles of the body, as by those of the face. By observing this fact in nature, I soon acquired some reputation for my skill in virtu. I had no knowledge of drawing, upon which at this period the Italians affected to rest the chief merits of painting, but I readily perceived when a hand was in unison with a head, and by attending to the same rule by which I judged of character, my taste in historical painting speedily came to be held in some degree of estimation. "But the main principle, which I deduced from the poor little midshipman's propensity, was one of some importance to the con sideration of crimes and punishments. It seemed to me perfectly certain, that no punishment which could be inflicted would have had the the slightest effect in preventing the secretion of the diseased humour: of his mind, for such his disposition to pilfer may, without any great violence of metaphor, be called."? We are not admirers of this new criminal legislation, which proposes to contemplate theft as a secretion that will proceed with the same activity, whether there are or are not prisons for the light-fingeredi partisans of forcible alienation. BOTANY. Art. 24. Botanical Illustrations of the Twenty-four Classes of the Darton and Co. This minikin volume will furnish an easy and pleasing guide to the botanical tyro, and afford him a familiar introduction to a knowlege of the scientific divisions of the classes. The descriptions and definitions are expressed with perspicuity and neatness, and the coloured representations of the selected specimens are, for the most part, sufficiently accurate. In a few instances, however, the lines are either too faint or over-charged, as in the wild germander, English hyacinth, fox-glove, and common daisy; and in some others, as the bramble, ground-ivy, &c. we remark a stiffness not their own. We submit it to the author's consideration, whether a similar series of illustrations of the orders might not materially contribute to facilitate still farther the progress of the student, and to scatter flowers over the dry and forbidding paths of elementary instruction. BULLION-QUESTION. Art. 25. A Comparative View of the present depreciated Currency, with the Sterling Money of England; shewing the Difference in their Value at various Periods, and the Causes and Effects thereof, &c. &c. 8vo. 29. Robinsons. 1814. Another of the never-ending list of publications on the Bullion. question! This writer, whose name appears from the dedication to be James Norman, has taken much pains to exhibit tables of the comparative value of our sterling money and of the market price of silver at different periods of our history; and he follows up this statement by the curious project of establishing a paper mint, em powered to coin as many notes of convenient sums as may be wanted for circulation throughout the country, with liberty to exchange them for other notes at will, but not to increase the amount. The total quantity thus wanted might, in his opinion, be about fifty millions sterling; and, as he proposes to prohibit the use of all other cash-notes, the consequence would be the acquisition to Government of an income equal to the interest of the whole, viz. of two millions and a half a-year. Of this he would allow half a million for the expence of the establishment, and he would expect the remainder to come into the government-coffers as clear revenue. In the course of five years, he would reduce the quantity of notes to forty millions sterling; and then, he thinks, their value would rise so as to become equal to that of silver, and a new coinage might take place without Joss,to the amount of two millions annually on the issue of which he would propose that the establishment in question should cancel a correspondent amount in notes, until our currency was brought back to the footing on which it stood before 1797. The substance of this proposition is, briefly, that Government should take into its own hands that power which it at present leaves to the Bank of England and the country-bankers. Now it is very clear that, were the present irregular system to continue, and were our bankingestablishments to be left in possession of the strange privilege of issuing notes without liability to pay in cash, the profits arising from such a source ought to belong not to individuals but to the public at large. Such speculations are, however, the less necessary, because only one opinion can prevail respecting the expediency of returning, as soon as, it is possible, to the former plan of making bank-notes payable in cash; and the majority of persons will be agreed that this highly, desirable object is most likely to be promoted by Government avoiding to take any share in the issue of paper, and confining itself strictly to making enactments in its legislative capacity. Art. 26. A Letter to the Earl of Lauderdale, in Reply to his " De preciation of Paper-Currency proved." By Thomas Smith, Author of an Essay on the Theory of Money and Exchange, &c. 8vo. pp. 114. Richardson. 1814. 6 Mr. Smith has been known for a considerable time as a writer on the principles of money, the tract mentioned in his present title-page. having been published, we believe, above seven years ago. Lord Lauderdale having treated some of Mr. Smith's notions with very little ceremony, the latter now re-pays his Lordship in his own coin, and has no scruple in, making use of very direct language; such as, (p. 69.) Your Lordship is thoroughly mistaken.' P. 81., Your Lordship shews an equal ignorance of the nature and of the common application of the term money.' - Mr. S. divides his pamphlet into three sections, in which he proposes, first, to refute the grounds on which Lord L.'s proofs of the depreciation of our bank-paper are founded; 2dly, to investigate the means of restoring our currency to a salutary state; and, lastly, to shew the truth of the opinion that the nation can derive a benefit from persevering in the present system." His mode of conducting these refutations is to quote long paragraphs from Lord Lauderdale's late pamphlet on our paper-currency, and to animadvert on them by still longer arguments on his own side of the question. Unluckily, neither of the disputants is possessed of the valuable faculty of compressing reasoning within a short compass, or of giving attraction to a subject which of all others stands in need of the aid of conciseness, perspicuity, and (if possible) animation of style. To such writers as these, we would recommend the perusal of the demi-official tract published in 1814 at Paris under the title of "Lettre d'un Créancier de l'Etat," as a model of the manner of combining vivacity in composition with solidity in argument, on a subject just as uninviting to the general reader as the merits of our money-system. Having on former occasions expressed our opinion on the Bullionquestion, at considerable length, we do not feel ourselves required to enter at present into any renewed disquisition on it. The fluctu ations in the state of exchange, in consequence of the sudden alterations in the aspect of the political horizon, have sufficiently evinced the soundness of the argument that foreign subsidies influenced very materially the price of bullion when considered in exchange for banknotes. When, in consequence of being once more restored to a state of tranquillity, the liquidation of our arrears of subsidy to the Continent no longer bears down our exchange, we may propose to resume the consideration of the Bullion-question, and to exhibit a comprehensive view of the successive changes that have occurred under the varying operation of political events. At present, the most satisfactory circumstance in the consideration of such matters is, that the restoration of a free trade to the Americans will have the effect of throwing very considerable sums of money into our hands; the sales of American produce greatly exceeding the quantity of merchandise taken in return from France, Holland, and indeed any country in Europe: the result of which is the remittance of large sums to this kingdom for the purchase of British manufactures. POLITICS. Art. 27. The Reduction of the Forces, with the Full and Half Pay, civilly and politically considered. By Captain Fairman, &c. &c. 8vo. 3s. Chapple. We have already taken occasion to notice (M. R. Sept. 1813,) the singular proposition, which was made by Captain Fairman, whose zeal appears by no means abated, notwithstanding the unkind silence of the heads of our military-establishment regarding the merit of his different representations. He dedicates the present pamphlet to the Secretary at War, and charges ministers roundly with acting on many of his confidential communications, without having the candour or the gratitude to acknowlege it. His complaint is somewhat in the style of the writer whose "Political Portraits" we lately noticed, (M. R. Feb. 1815,) and who lamented the difficulty of conveying pleasant information to the ear of the Prince Regent. The leading object of Captain Fairman was to dissuade any immediate disbanding of our soldiers at the last peace, and to recommend their being employed for a time in public works; the dragoons as guards to the mails, or as mounted patroles in the capacity of supernumerary constables; while the infantry might work on the highways or canals. Another prominent object of his pamphlet, for which we expect him to take great credit in his next appeal to the public, is a disapprobation of the conduct of the allies in permitting Bonaparte to retire with life from the last year's contest, and to Occupy a situation in which he might find means to carry on a correspondence with his numerous partisans in France. - From yarious remarks scattered through the tract, the writer is evidently not devoid of the power of offering useful hints: but the misfortune is that he intermingles them with much irrelevant and even indecorous effusions; such as (p. 44.) a wish that Paris had been • battered about the ears of its inhabitants,' and the Americans (P. 54.) flogged into better behaviour,' &c. &c. Art, Art. 28. A Letter to Lord Liverpool, on the very eminent Int portance of Sicily to Great Britain; on the Obligation we have incurred, and stand compromised upon, to the People of that Country, to maintain that Constitution and Independence which we have instigated and aided them to assert and acquire; and on the Necessity, the Efficiency, and Propriety of the Interposition of the Weight and Authority of the British Name in the Congress at Vienna, for this Purpose, and for the maintaining our Influence and Authority in that Island. 8vo. pp. 36. 28. Asperne. Wh Ministers have discovered so decided a determination to act on plan similar to that which is recommended in this title page, that the case seems by no means under the necessity of being argued. The purport of this little tract is to ascribe the misery of the inhabitants of Sicily to the effects of bad government, to praise highly the conduct of Lord William Bentinck, and to urge a perseverance in the plan of new modelling the management of the public concerns of this interesting island. Among other claims that Sicily offers to our protection, is this, that it is necessary to the supply of provisions for Malta, which is ill fitted to afford the means of support to our garrison, or even to its own population. We have no objection to the general scope of this writer's arguments, but would drop him a gentle caution when he places such abundant faith in antient legends as to believe (p. 4.) that Syracuse and Agrigentum were each in former days as populous as London now is. Art. 29. The Political Memento; or, Extracts from the Speeches, during the last Six Years, of near a Hundred of the most distinguished Members of both Houses of Parliament, on the Policy, Conduct, and probable Result of the War. By a Parliamentary Reporter. 8vo. PP. 553. 15s. Boards. Longman and Co. 1814. The extracts in this volume are somewhat less general than the title page would imply, being limited principally to topics connected with the war in Spain, and the expediency of concluding peace with France at different periods, when it was recommended by the late Mr. Whitbread and a few of the Opposition-members. The selection, which has been made from the Parliamentary Register published by Mr. Hansard, comprizes portions of the speeches of all the conspi cuous members of parliament; and the object of the work seems to be a desire to convince the nation that we should have acted erroneously if we had not persevered in the contest, but had listened to the coun dels of Opposition. These debates are too fresh in the recollection of our readers to make it necessary for us to undertake to discuss the subject at length, or to point out in what manner the very favourable issue of the late war arose from circumstances unconnected with the merits of our ministers. Instead, therefore, of adverting to the opinion of particular speakers, we shall merely observe that the pre sent selection seems to be formed with sufficient fairness; and that the editor has avoided to fatigue the attention of his readers by extracts of great length, preferring to exhibit the sentiments of each person in detached passages of speeches delivered at different times. It was curious to contemplate, three or four years ago, the differ, ence of opinion among our politicians with regard to the management of |